41
See H. Chonon Berkowitz, La biblioteca de Benito Pérez Galdós (Las Palmas: El Museo Canario, 1951), p. 184.
42
La lectura, 20 (1920), Part I, p. 254. See also Walter T. Pattison, El naturalismo español (Madrid: Gredos, 1969), pp. 90-91.
43
For historical aspects and Isidora as a Spain figure, see Antonio Ruiz Salvador's excellent «La función del trasfondo histórico en La desheredada», AG, I (1966), pp. 53-61.
44
E. J. Rodgers, «Galdós' La desheredada and Naturalism», BHS, XLV (October 1968), p. 295.
45
For two different opinions of Encarnación's relation to the Rufete family, see Rodgers (loc. cit.) and Robert H. Russell, «The Structure of La desheredada», MLN, LXXVI, numbers 6-8 (December 1961), pp. 794-800.
46
Galdós, as is known, crossed out pages which did not satisfy him and often used the reverse side (after blue-pencilling the first version) to write the final version of the manuscript. Thus in La desheredada, as in many other manuscripts, we have the fragments of a primitive manuscript, and it is to such a blue-pencilled fragment that we refer here.
47
This page is the only one on which the three names appear together; the chronological order is obviously Asunción-Teresa-Encarnación.
48
Galdós absentmindedly continues calling the Sanguijuelera Teresa on a number of pages; however, he must have corrected the galley proofs since that name never appears in the printed text.
49
The name Teresa does not seem to have had upper-class associations in the seventeenth century. One example can be found when Góngora parodies Lope's «Ensíllenme el potro rucio...» with his own «Ensíllenme el asno rucio...»; Lope's highborn morisca Adalifa becomes Góngora's «Teresa la del Villar». Another example is the protagonist of Castillo Solórzano's picaresque novel, Teresa de Manzanares.
50
At this stage of Galdós' career he still felt that the spirit of Don Quijote (as he then understood it) was detrimental to Spain' progress in the modern world. Later he would change his mind.