See José Vega, «Una 'trampa' de Galdós», Índice, XI (1957), Nº. 91, 13, for Galdós' sketchy preparation for Zumalacárregui. Carlos Vázquez Ariona, in his Cotejo histórico de cinco episodios nacionales de Benito Pérez Galdós (University of Minnesota, 1925), claims to demonstrate «la casi infalibilidad con que don Benito Pérez Galdós ha interpretado la Historia» (p. 198) in the first five episodios of the first series; his thesis, however, tends to suggest only Galdós' blind adherence to very limited historical sources, an adherence which extends, in Zaragoza, to the copying of printers' errors in his source (Cotejo histórico, p. 99).

Compare also Galdós minor mystification of the reader with regard to the identities of Halconero's assailants (España trágica, III, 990).

The theme of madness runs throughout España trágica: Halconero's love for the tragic Fernanda lacks moderation; Halconero recognizes the national insanity: «El pueblo español padecía de una honda enfermedad del juicio: loco estaba el Patriotismo, loca perdida la Libertad, y el año venía con una sarta de locuras trágicas engarzadas una en otra, como cuentas de rosario» (III, 977); similarly, Cordero expresses his belief that «España estaba loca» (III, 990). Cf. Castelar's declaration after the election of Amadeo: «¡Están locos! ¡Están locos! ¡Están locos!» (Orellana, II, 1041).

The tragedy in España trágica lies not only in the death of Prim but in the abortive nature of the September Revolution, which failed to produce in Spain the changes which the English and French Revolutions had done for their nations. The murder of Prim lacks the grandeur of the death of the «tyrants» Charles I or Louis XVI, for, as Segismundo declared: «No sé si entramos en el período épico, o salimos de una epopeya fallida, de un mal ensayo con chambones y héroes de la legua... De veras os digo que el elemento trágico traído a la historia de España por esos Brutos de tan baja calidad, no entra en mis sentires de poeta histórico. De otro modo han de ser las tragedias. Danton y Robespierre me aterran, pero no me repugnan. Son la tempestad que purifica, y no la alcantarilla que retrotrae sus aguas inmundas para verterlas sobre la sociedad. He delatado por vergüenza revolucionaria.» (III, 999.) Cf. the characterization of Halconero's generation: «...como los frutos y criaturas de aquella Revolución fueron algo abortivos» (III, 900). The supreme expression of the failure of the Revolution of 1868 occurs in Amadeo I when, in a passage reminiscent of the opening lines of Miau, Prim is reduced to a figure of children's games: «...vimos enorme caterva de chiquillos jugando a la tropa con palos, banderitas y morriones de papel. Los más audaces se disputaban el mando: 'Yo soy Prim,' chillaba uno, y otro gritaba: 'Pues yo Napoleón. Límpiate...'» (Amadeo I, III, 1060).

Quoted by Fernand Baldensperger, Orientations étrangères chez Honoré de Balzac (Paris, 1927), xv.

The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Frederick Sheldon Fund of Harvard University whose generosity during the academic year 1967-1968 enabled him to complete this study.

Hans Hinterhaliser, Los Episodios nacionales de Benito Pérez Galdós, trans. José Escobar (Madrid, 1963), briefly refers to the essays and makes the conclusion therefrom that Galdós may be classified as a «liberal conservador» regarding political matters (137). Francisco Ruiz Ramón, Tres personajes galdosianos (Madrid, 1964), pp. 212-222, penetratingly examines the contributions to La Nación. William H. Shoemaker has published several important collections of hitherto inedited material (Crónica de la quincena [Princeton, 1948], Los prólogos de Galdós [México, 1962]) as well as a splendid examination of Galdós' contributions to La Nación («Galdós y La Nación», Hispanófila, núm. 25 [1965], 21-50). See also H. Chonon Berkowitz, «Galdós' Literary Apprenticeship», HR, In (1935), 1-22, and Walter T. Pattison, Benito Pérez Galdós and the Creative Process (Minneapolis, 1954). Pattison's interpretations are sometimes marred by recourse to the Memorias as faithful autobiographical commentary on Galdós' views in the 1870's. We must remember that the Memorias were the product of an old man turned Republican. Hence the praise of such figures as Castelar, Figueras and other Republicans in 1915 (quoted by Pattison on p. 39, n.) does not correspond to Galdós' comments on them in 1871 and 1872 (v, e.g., Galdós' reactions to speeches by Figueras in the Revista de España, XX [May-June, 1871], 131-132, and Castelar, idem, 635-636, as well as his general remarks throughout on the Republicans). Antonio Regalado García, Benito Pérez Galdós y La novela histórica española: 1868-1912 (Madrid, 1966), also examines Galdós' non-fictional prose. However, there is serious doubt as to the reliability of his conclusions, as noted in my «Historical Perspective and Political Bias: Comments on Recent Galdós Criticism», Forthcoming.

H. Chonon Berkowitz, Pérez Galdós, Spanish Liberal Crusader (Madison, 1948), pp. 93, 97, states that «the period of intense study and training was between 1870 and 1873...» In the middle of 1872 Galdós returned to life spiritually and withdrew from life in every other sense.»

Berkowitz, «Galdós' Literary Apprenticeship», 4, n. Shoemaker, «Introduction», Crónica de La quincena, p. 19.

100

This article, apparently overlooked by previous investigators, is an inspired, extended commentary on the work, La Rude et l'Autriche depuis Sadowa, written by the Belgian and sometime socialist, Emile Laveleye (1822-1892). All text references in parentheses pertain to the articles in the Revista de España. Volumes and respective dates of publication are as follows: XVI, September-October, 1870; XX, May-June, 1871; XXIV, January-February, 1872; XXV, March-April, 1872; XXVI, May-June, 1872; XXVII, JuIy-August, 1872. Galdós' spelling and accentuation are retained.