31
See Genette, «Discours du récit», in Figures III.
32
For a more extensive discussion of tragedy in Don Quijote, see Jehenson, «The Dorotea-Fernando / Lucinda-Cardenio Episode in Don Quijote: A Postmodernist Play».
33
Neuschäfer, however, differs from this position and ascribes a didactic function to the «exemplary novel» (his description) of El curioso. He suggests that the comic nature of the main narrative necessitates Cervantes's introduction of such «tragic exempla» as this story into Don Quijote, for «la visión realista y cómica de la acción principal es... demasiado unilateral, [y] hay que completarla con otra más seria e incluso trágica, y... esto se logra precisamente gracias a las historias intercaladas»
(608, 614-615).
34
After Camila's successful performance, Lotario is genuinely saddened «porque se le representaba a la memoria cuán engañado estaba su amigo, y cuán injustamente él le agraviaba»
(436).
35
Although Bandera's thrust differs from mine, we concur on the fact that Anselmo's script succeeds in making «a grand passion»
out of Lotario's and Camila's adultery, «una fascinante historia de amor imposible»
(149).
36
Important discussions of the demonic milieu of the gypsy rancho include those by Dunn (94-96), Forcione (189-92) and Casalduero (71-74).
37
Expressing a similar view, Clamurro asserts that the «'demonic' quality of this world [as perceived by Forcione], its harshness and seeming immorality, seems significantly attenuated by the Preciosa's régime of personal values»
(58).
38
It is worth recalling that Pedro Calderón de la Barca also wrote an auto entitled La margarita preciosa, in collaboration with Juan de Zavaleta and Jerónimo Cáncer, thus illustrating the degree to which the expression was a religious commonplace in seventeenth-century Spain.
39
Pedro Mexías's translation of the Paraenesis was cited by A. Castro (354-355) in 1925 as having an «aire de parentesco»
with Don Quixote's advice to Sancho Panza; I here cite further phrases from the same edition of 1673. According to a note from my learned friend Isaías Lerner, the first edition of Mexías's translation of Isocrates appeared in his Coloquios published in Seville in 1548. In addition to the Isocrates tradition, we might well take into account the tradition of the de regimine principum and of the medical diet (see Bleznick), as well as that of the Renaissance handbook of etiquette (see below).
40
See «Disticha Catonis» beginning on p. 596 of Duff and Duff, eds., Minor Latin Poets. The following is their deplorable English translation, in rhyming couplets: