Selecciona una palabra y presiona la tecla d para obtener su definición.



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ArribaAbajo

The Spanish of Mexico: A Partially Annotated Bibliography for 1970-90 Part II


Randal C. Fulk


University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign


Abstract: Particularly relevant in the era of the North American Free Trade Agreement, this bibliography is the second of a two-part sequence on the Spanish spoken in Mexico, which represents a continuation of Jack Emory Davis’s «The Spanish of Mexico: An Annotated Bibliography for 1940-69», published in (Hispania 54 (1971), 624-56. See key to abbreviations in Part I (Hispania, 76.2 [1993]). The following sections are included in Part II:

    VII. Stylistics, Studies of Individual Authors
    VIII. Orthography
    IX. Psycholinguistics and sociolinguistics
    X. Historical linguistics (studies of sixteenth-century Mexican Spanish)
    XI. Regional studies
    XII. Interlingual influence-indigenisms and anglicisms
    XIII. Toponyms and onomastics

Key Words: bibliography, Mexico, Spanish language, linguistics



VII. STYLISTICS, STUDIES OF INDIVIDUAL AUTHORS AND/OR LITERARY WORKS

C. Fuentes:

186. MacNamara, Joyce de Larichelière. «The Non-standard Lexicon of Carlos Fuentes in ‘La región más transparente’», Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison dissert., 1976, 283 pp., DAI 37 (1977), 5098A.

This thesis is a study of the non-standard lexicon of Fuentes in his novel La región más transparente. The thesis addresses itself to two main questions: 1) to what extent does Fuentes’ language accomplish its expressed end of showing the «Mexicanness» of the characters and 2) how creative is Fuentes linguistically?

Fernando del Paso:

187. Fiddian, Robin W. «Palinuro de México: a world of words», BHS, 58 (1981), 21-133.

A mostly literary and stylistic study of Mexican writer Fernando del Paso’s novel, but it might be useful for a more detailed study of some quite graphic Mexican Spanish such is the words used to describe symptoms of venereal disease and varieties of vomit. «Among the many neologisms coined in Palinuro de México are the nouns ‘huesoteca’ (151), ‘basuroteca’ (269), ‘ejecutiborracho’ (285), and ‘ablutomanía’ (474). (p. 126).

O. Paz:

188. Arcelus Ulibarrena, Juan M. «Metáfora y sinestesia en «Ladera este» de Octavio Paz, Thes, 37 (1982), 299-377.

A detailed study of the poetics, more than of the grammar or lexicon of Octavio Paz -although it does list some of the anglicisms used by this important Mexican writer.

189. Martinell Gifre, Emma. «Estilística de la adjetivación en ‘El mono gramático’ de Octavio Paz» in Estudios ofrecidos a Emilio Alarcos Llorach (con motivo de sus XXV años de docencia en la Universidad de Oviedo). IV. Oviedo: Univ. de Oviedo, 1979, 455-78.

[M. G.] examines the adjective complements in a work of O. Paz and concludes that although the possibilities of noun complementation are much more reduced than the possibilities of complementation of verbal elements, «Toda la rareza, la dificultad y la brillantez de la obra de Paz residen en la estilística de la adjetivación». (p. 478).

J. Rulfo:



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190. Bossong, G. «Wortstellung, Satzperspektive and Textkonstitution im Ibero-Romanischen, dargestellt am Beispiel eines Textes von Juan Rulfo», Ibero, 19 (1984), 1-16.

After a short but thorough review of the theoretical basis for his method of textual linguistic analysis of word position, etc., [G. B.] submits Juan Rulfo’s short story «Nos han dado la tierra» from El llano en lamas, México, 1953, to a rigorous analysis displaying the schema of the text of the short story and the systematic chain of the interlocking «thema» and «rhema» progression.

191. Cancellier, Antonella. «La reiteración estilística en ‘Talpa’, de Juan Rulfo», AnLet 26 (1988), 183-213.

192. Gutiérrez Marrone, Nila. El estilo de Juan Rulfo: estudio lingüístico. New York, Bilingual Press, 1978, 176 pp.

This book is based on a New York Univ. dissert. and focuses primarily on the book of short stories El llano en llamas, with references to Pedro Páramo. Contains an extensive bibliography on the works of Rulfo and criticism of his work. «This book suffers from redundancy, from padding, from misplacement of data... and from an uncritical discussion of Rulfo’s handling of popular language as stylistic recourse... In short, [G. M. ’s] study is a useful book, regardless of its shortcomings, since it is one of the first serious linguistic attempts (albeit more on a syntactic rather on a semantic level) to deal with the question of style in Rulfo’s work». -J. Himilblau in Hisp, 62 (1979), 740-1. Also rev. by G. Araya in BH, 80 (1978), 337-45.

193. Luraschi, Ilse Adriana. «Función del participio pasado atributivo en Pedro Páramo, de Juan Rulfo, in ACIH-VI,1980, 482-84.

The hypothesis on which this article is based is that the past participle in its attributive function has a negative semiotic value in Rulfo which coincides with the other semantic structures, especially those given by the lexemes. After a very complex cuadro representating the attempt to connect the three most important levels (morpho-syntactic, semantic, and semiotic) with critical interpretation, the author finds that the past participle indicates form and actions are presented as completed and time annulled: «De aquí se parte, pues, para afirmar que el participio pasado más que pasividad implica un fin, un proceso, no reversible que, sin duda, está íntimamente ligado a los conceptos de muerte y destino, de fatalismo y conformismo y de la temporalidad». (p. 454).

194. Meza, Alberto. «Names in the Works of Juan Rulfo», in What’s in a Name? Laurence E. Seits, ed., Sugar Grove, Waubonsee Community Coll., 1980, 116 pp.

195. Porras Collantes, Ernesto, «Borramiento en Pedro Páramo», Thes, 39 (1984), 215-69.

«Llamaremos borramiento a la operación que realiza el narrador cuando intersecta dos conjuntos de elementos parcialmente iguales en forma que presenta primero la parte o subconjuntivo común y luego las partes o subconjuntivos diferenciales o diferentes».

A Yáñez:

196. Ricardo Torres, Otto. «El léxico en ‘Al filo del agua’», Thes 30 (1975), 346-58. Bibl.

A study of the indigenisms and regionalisms in A. Yáñez’s novel. [R. T.] is both surprised and disappointed to find only twelve indigenisms: «Sospechamos que los indigenismos pudieron ser muy usados en México; pero nos lucen en vías de fecundidad, en trance de ser absorbidos por el español general o en inminente vía de desaparición».

197. Ying, Fang. «El uso del adjetivo en ‘Al filo del agua’», Thes, 40 (1985), 401-14.

[Y. F.] notes that «En el libro Agustín Yáñez agrupa un gran número de adjetivos extraordinariamente importantes, cuyo uso como expresión no es de manera esporádica o accidental, sino obra de un intenso subjetivismo, de una marcada voluntad expresiva, y se entrecruza una amalgama de tendencias y de sentimientos, y, en consecuencia, el adjetivo en esta novela despliega toda su potencia estilística y expresiva: tiene un gran peso artístico y estético que merece un análisis concienzudo». (p. 401). I. Introducción; II. Funciones conceptuales; III. Valores estéticos; IV. Conclusiones. Based heavily on Wolfgang Kayser, Interpretación y análisis de la obra literaria, Versión española de Ma. D. Mouton y V. Ga. Yerba, Madrid, Edit. Gredos, 1958.

Others:

198. Cancionero folklórico de México.

The CFM is the result of a collective investigation under the direction of Margit Frenk Alatorre in the Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios de El Colegio de México. As of 1977, two volumes have been published: Coplas del amor feliz, 1975 and Coplas del amor desdichado, 1977.



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199. Díaz Roig, Mercedes and Aurelio González. El romancero tradicional de México. México: UNAM, 1986.

200. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La estructura del discurso en cinco escritores mexicanos», in Edward L. Blansitt, Jr. and Richard Teschner, eds., A Festschrift for Jacob Ornstein: Studies in General Linguistics and Sociolinguistics. Rowley, MA: Newberry Press, 1980, 165-73.

Syntactic analysis of texts of equal size of A. Reyes, M. L. Guzmán, A. Yáñez, O. Paz, and J. Rulfo to examine sentence structure. Interesting results and according to [L. B.] Rulfo has the most differentiated style. [L. B.] also notes: «La estructura del discurso varía notablemente según que pertenezca a textos novelísticos o a ensayos». (p. 170).

201. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La estructura de la cláusula en seis cuentos populares de México», NRFH, 32 (1983), 258-71.

[L. B.] continues the series of essays that he has been making (most of which have been published in his Análisis gramatical del discurso, México, UNAM, 1983). He presents here the results obtained from analysis of six fragments of popular narration from Jalisco -taken from Stanley L. Robes’ Mexican Tales and Legends from Los Altos, UCP Berkeley, 1970. The linguistic units studies are la cláusula, la oración, el período, la frase, and la prooración. (See also «Unidades sintácticas. Recapitulación», RFE, 61 (1981), 29-63, for a discussion of these syntactic units as used by [L. B.].

202. Lope Blanch, Juan M. Análisis gramatical del discurso. México: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Filológicas, Centro de Lingüística Hispánica, 1983, 181 pp. (Publicaciones del Centro; 17).

«Collection of essays on methodology, syntax, and terminology for Spanish utterances (e. g., cláusula, oración, frase, período). Pt. 2 examines structure of five Mexican writers». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4585 (1984).

203. Metzeltín, Michael. «Observaciones acerca de la lengua y la estructura de la Constitución mexicana de l917». in Kremer, Dieter, ed. Schrader, Ludwig, foreword. [Akten des Deutscher Hispanistentag, 1983 Dusseldorf] Aspekte der Hispania im 19 und 20. Jahrhundert. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag, 1983, 285-308.

[M. M.] details the fundamental aspects of the linguistic structure of the Mexican Constitution. Through a semantic typology [M. M.] finds that the Constitution presents five basic types of phrases which act upon particular persons, groups, functionaries, or judicial personnel and are characterized many times by modalities such as ‘deber’, ‘poder’, and ‘querer’. «Desde el punto de vista de la semántica de sus frases, se podría decir que la constitución mexicana es una larga lista de rasgos definitorias de formas de ser y hacer normalmente modalizadas, atribuidas a personas reales o jurídicas». (p. 290).

204. Palacios, Margarita, «Las relaciones interclausulares», in ACEIA-II (1986), 648-54.

«Considera la cláusula como la unidad básica del texto y estudia las relaciones que dan coherencia al texto con ejemplos tomados de cuatro escritores mejicanos: Rulfo, Yáñez, Revueltas y Fuentes». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 772.

205. Soler de la Cueva and Silvia Ponce de León. «Reconocimiento automático de rimas para el Cancionero folklórico de México», NRFH. 26, (1977), 499-509.

«Entre los trabajos de computación preparados para obtener los índices del Cancionero folklórico de México hemos elaborado un programa rastreador para el reconocimiento automático de rimas, cuyo resultado será el índice de las mismas. Su importancia se halla en los interesantes problemas que plantea la construcción de un programa no solamente de ordenación, sino también de análisis. Queremos presentar aquí la forma en que lo realizamos y los resultados que hemos obtenido».




VIII. ORTHOGRAPHY

206. Valadez, Carmen D. «Notas sobre variantes ortográficas en el español de México», NRFH, 31/2 (1982-83), 276-81.

Author studies spelling variations in Mexican Spanish in such examples as ingerencia-injerencia pretensioso-pretenciosa, exuberante-exhuberante, gira-jira; etc. from the point of view of the lexicographer and leaves unanswered the questions she raises about the sanctioning of variant spellings: should it be when a philologist demonstrates the etymological legitimacy of a word or when statistics reveal that a majority of educated persons use a certain spelling?

«Discusses problems more common to Latin American speakers of Spanish than to Spaniards. Using pretensioso (pretencioso) as example, Valadez points out that Mexican current usage is

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pretensión and pretencioso. Example of hypercorrection is exhuberante for exuberante on the basis of exhibir, etc. It appears that hojear and hojeada are being preferred to ojear and ojeada, although either is conceivable. It is interesting to note that the whole matter of spelling is of less concern among those of Spanish speech than it is in the English-speaking world». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 48:4556 (1986).




IX. PSYCHOLINGUISTICS AND SOCIOLINGUISTICS

207. Ávila, Raúl. «La investigación del léxico infantil y la enseñanza», ALFAL-IV, 1978, 195-208.

[R. A.] summarizes the results of the investigation in 1971 of the vocabulary of pre-school children to determine the vocabulary range for purposes of developing new reading materials. The total vocabulary obtained was 1,332 words of high frequency, of which 850 are to, be included in the new reader La palabra y la imagen. Study contains results of the questionnaire and charts displaying variation of performance according to social class of children studied.

208. Ávila, Raúl. «Lengua hablada y estrato social: un acercamiento lexicoestadístico». NRFH, 36 (1988), 131-48.

Explores some possibilities of determining quantitatively the lexicon of the Spanish spoken in Mexico by various social groups. Lexicon is obtained from 205 texts used by investigators for the DEM (Diccionario del Español de México) and other interviews for the study of Mexican dialect zones and Mexico City Spanish. Informants are divided into three cultural levels: culto, medio, y bajo and seven age categories (43% from Mexico City and 57% from other locales). From a corpus of almost a half million word-occurrences were computed out 23,504 tipos léxicos which were electronically processed into 9,309 vocablos. Author then uses three índices de riqueza léxica: (1) lexical density, which divides informants into superior, central, or inferior, (2) frequencies accumulated by deciles; and (3) words in extended segments of equal length. Not a surprising result is that people of higher cultural levels have greater lexical density which may lead to, more «redundancias y verborrea» and often much less logical clarity than the less lexically dense speech of those of lower cultural levels-be they (as Ávila notes) W. Labov’s New York City working-class speakers or Agustín Yáñez’s Jalisco campesinos. Article based on linguistic statistical methods of Pierre Guirard and Charles Muller.

209. Barriga Villanueva, Rebeca. «La producción de oraciones relativas en niños mexicanos de seis años», NRFH, 34 (1985-86), 108-55.

A study based on a sample of 61 children six to seven years old in the Federal District from three different social groups following the hierarchy established in a typological study of relative clauses in 50 languages by E. Keenan and B. Comrie, «Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar», LI 8, (1977), 63-99.

Appendix of the 361 relative clauses produced.

210. Blake, Robert. «The Acquisition of Mood Selection Among Spanish Speaking Children: Ages 4 to 12», Univ. of Texas at Austin dissert., 1981, 198 pp., DAI 41 (1980), 3084A.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the extent to which native Spanish-speaking children from Mexico City have achieved mastery of the Spanish modal system. The aim of this study is to provide new experimental data on language acquisition among Spanish-speaking children, and to establish a hierarchy of difficulty among the different uses of the modal system.

211. Blake, Robert. «Some Empirically Based Observations on Adult Usage of the Subjunctive in Mexico City», in CRRL, (1981), 13-22.

[R. B.] discusses the adult usage of the subjunctive in Mexico City and attempts to put the data in the larger framework of semantic used by Hooper and Terrel (1974) to construct a systematic explanation for mood selection in Spanish. He finds that the framework does correlate fairly well with most of the Mexico City data but problems remain: «Whether the apparent contradictions between their [Hooper and Terrel] data and the data presented here are due to some on-going syntactic changes or reflect a range of more subtle contrasts -linguistic or nonlinguistic- is a question which cannot be determined until standard Hispanic varieties have been more fully investigated». (pp. 20-21).

212. Bravo Ahúja, Gloria Ruiz de. Los materiales didácticos para la enseñanza del español a los indígenas mexicanos. México: El Colegio de México, 1977. 367 pp.

[B. A.] presents a very complete guide to materials for teaching of Spanish in Mexico. Divided into Primera Parte: Apreciación de los materiales didácticos de la conquista a la revolución; Segunda Parte: Evaluación de las cartillas; Tercera Parte:

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Propuesta de una planeación lingüística. Good bibliography and appendix of class materials. -Rev. by Jane H. Hill in IJAL, 48:2 (Apr. 1982), 238-41.

213. Coronado Suzán, Gabriela. Persistencia lingüística y transformación social: Bilingüismo en la Mixteca Alta. Cuadernos de la Casa Chata, 152; Tlalpan, D. F.: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, 1987. 75 pp.

214. Galván, José Luz. «The Development of Aspectual Relations in Spanish-Speaking Children», Univ. of Texas at Austin dissert., 1981, 316 pp., DAI, 41 (1980), 3081A.

Three studies were conducted to investigate the development of temporal features related to the expression of aspect in Spanish. A group of 66 Mexican children ranging in age from 5 to 16-years-old were tested. The first study was on the comprehension of aspectual markers. The second study dealt with comprehension of antes and después; and the third was on the production of aspectual markers. Two main conclusions are 1) that the development of aspectual distinctions parallels cognitive development, and 2) that certain semantic features involved in time language contribute to the difficulty in expressing time in Spanish.

215. Hamel, Rainer Enrique, Héctor Muñoz Cruz, eds. El conflicto lingüístico en una zona bilingüe de México. [Cuadernos de la Casa Chata, 65] México: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social, 1982. 177 pp.

216. Moreno de Alba, José G. «Dialectología mexicana. Algunos fenómenos morfológicos explicables por el nivel socio-cultural», ALFAL-IV, 1978, 494-501.

[M. de A.] explains that just as phonetic and lexical phenomena serve to delimit geographical dialects on the horizontal plane, morphological phenomena are frequently useful to characterize socio-cultural levels which he breaks down into analfabeta, semianalfabeta, medio bajo, medio, medio alto, and culto. A chart with the six classes and 26 morphological items is included. Examples are la calor, actora, cafeses, andé, rompido, etc. which by percentage of use clearly distinguish various levels of speech.

217. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. «Asimilación o igualdad lingüística en el Valle del Mezquital?», Nueva Antropología 22 (1983).

218. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. «Un panorama de los estudios sociolingüísticos sobre etnicidad y constitución de identidades en México», in Studios sociolingüísticos de El Colegio de México, Vol 4, No. 11 (1986).

219. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. «Bilingüismo, educación indígena y conciencia lingüística en comunidades otomíes», Estudios filológicos 16 (1981), Univ. Austral de Chile.

220. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. «Le conflit linguistique dans la Vallée de Mezquital (Mexique)», Langue et societé 23 (1983).

221. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. «Conflit de diglossie et conscience linguistique dans des communautés bilingues au Mexique», in Dittmar & Schlieben-Lange (eds.) Die soziolinguistik in romanischprachigen ländern», Tübingen: Guntar Narr Verlag, 1982.

222. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor, Rainer E. Hamel, and Yolanda Lastra de Suárez. Sociolingüística latinoamericana. México: UNAM, (en prensa, 1987).

223. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor, «Bases sociolingüísticas de una alfabetización bilingüe en una región indígena de México», in ACEIA-II, (1986), 172-79.

«Exposición de un proyecto de investigación sobre educación bilingüe que se desarrolla con la comunidad mazahua de Méjico. Se exponen las funciones comunicativas de ambos idiomas (mazahua y español), las necesidades que tiene el proyecto (descripción sistémica, alfabeto, formación de docentes indígenas y habilidades que deben adquirir, etc.) y los problemas socioidiomáticos envueltos (heterogeneidad homogeneidad cultural dentro de la nación, variedades de cada lengua que se use en la alfabetización, etc.)». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes de Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 755.

224. Muñoz Cruz, Héctor. ed. Funciones sociales y conciencia del lenguaje: Estudios sociolingüísticos en México. Divulgación; Xalapa; Universidad Veracruzana, 1987. 187 pp.

This anthology constitutes a specialized text which contains information about social problems of the language, field methodology, theoretical foundations, and techniques of analysis. Contains

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a brief presentation by the editor. Divided into two parts: I. Bilingüismo y conflicto intercultural; «El conflicto lingüístico en una situación de diglosia», Rainer Enrique Hamel; «El rumor de Tetelcingo», Rodrigo Díaz; «Identidad étnica en las prácticas discursivas», María Teresa Sierra; «Testimonios metalingüísticos de un conflicto intercultural: ¿Reivindicación o sólo representación de la cultura otomí?», Héctor Muñoz Cruz; and II. Política del lenguaje y normalización de lenguas indígenas; «¿Hay alfabetos bilingües-biculturales? Santa Clos y lo bilingüe, dos mitos que nadie cree», Leopoldo Valiñas; «Guerrero: un estudio piloto para la toma de decisiones sobre política del lenguaje en México», Georganne Weller; «Concepto del uso y función de la lengua escrita en el Valle del Mezquital», Yolanda de la Garza, Judith Kalman y César Makholuf; «La palabra en el proceso de aprendizaje de la lectoescritura: búsqueda de una definición práctica», Dora Pellicer.

225. Powers, Michael D. «Sociolinguistic Correlates of Relative Pronoun Variation Among Spanish Speakers in Mexico City», Univ. of Texas at Austin dissert., 1981, 351 pp., DAI, 42 (1982), 3140A

The data for this study consist of written questionnaires of 160 Spanish speakers chosen randomly from Mexico City. Sample is stratified by age, sex, and level of education. Author developed a linguistic hierarchy for the syntactic variation and discovered that variation in relative pronoun usage conveys social meaning in many instances.

226. Rivas, Alberto M. «The influence of the social class in the verbal morphology of certain dialects of Spanish». PBLS, 5 (1979), 428-37.

227. Rodríguez, Oralia and Rodney Williamson. «Diferencias sociales en el lenguaje: el caso de las narraciones de niños mexicanos de seis años», in ACIH-VI 1980, 606-10.

«In an effort to contribute to the studies of child speech, the writers had carried on a project in the Mexico City area involving children of six/seven years of age and of classes: media (sub-professional), obrera and marginal. Several interaction discourse experiments were performed involving narration, discussion, instructions to one another, plática libre, etc. The many variables noted attest to the strong influence of the child’s home background, and the marginales weren’t the worst in everything!» -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44:4586 (1982).

228. Ros Romero, María del Consuelo. Bilingüismo y educación: un estudio en Michoacán. México: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1981.

This investigation is the product of fieldwork realized in 1977 in Michoacán and is divided into I. Marco teórico; II. Etnografía de la comunidad; III. Situación lingüística en la comunidad; IV. La escuela, su organización y funcionamiento; V. Procedimiento de evaluación; and VI. Resumen y conclusiones.

229. Uribe Villegas, Óscar. «La castellanización como proceso». Revista Mexicana de Sociología, 33 (1971), 201-20.

A detailed study of the psycho-social attitudes of Mexican Indians concerning the learning of Spanish. Author at the outset makes a distinction between «castellanización» and «alfabetización» terms which overlap but are not the same. Conclusion: «La castellanización es un proceso sociolingüístico complejo. Por ello que, si se quiere captar en sus dimensiones precisas, tenga que someterse a categorización y, en el punto de partida, a simplificaciones heurísticas como las que delineamos». (p. 220).

230. Weller, Georganne. «Bilingualism and the Inroads of the Spanish Language into the Montaña Region of the State of Guerrero, México». Univ. of Delaware dissert., 1986, 283. DAI 47 (12), 1987 June: 4379A

This study is concerned with the co-existence of three Indian languages (Nahuatl, Mixtec, and Tlapanec) and Spanish in selected counties in the Montaña region and the circumstances that have allowed Spanish to gain ground with respect to the role and importance of Indian languages over the years. Based on 722 interviews concerning attitudes toward native and second languages and bilingual instruction. Predictions made for language maintenance and shift in the Montaña Regions.

231. Zimmermann, Klaus, «Perspectivas de la sociolingüística urbana en México», Boletín de Antropología Americana, no. 6 (Dec. 1982), 105-17, bibli. illus.

Listed in HAPI (1982).

232. Zimmermann, Klaus, «Sprache und Kulturelle Identität in der diglossischen Situation Mexikos», Iberoamericana, v. 6 no. 16-17 1982, 3-26, bibl.

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listed in HAPI (1982).




X. HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS (STUDIES OF SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN SPANISH)

233. Águeda Méndez, María. «Fundamentos, organización y resultados preliminares del proyecto ‘Catálogo de textos literarios novohispanos en el Archivo General de la Nación (México)’ ACIEA-II (1986), 262-64.

«Anotaciones sobre la importancia histórica de los archivos en general, y en particular sobre el Archivo General de la Nación de Méjico, su riqueza poco utilizada hasta ahora, y exposición de un proyecto en marcha para explorar en el Archivo el legado literario novohispano». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 759.

234. Alvar, Manuel. Americanismos en la «Historia» de Bernal Díaz del Castillo. Madrid: CSIC, 1970, 132 pp. (Revista de Filología Española. Anejo, 89) Illus. (Listed by Davis, entry 213).

In the first part of this important study [M. A.] explains El mundo americano de Bernal Díaz del Castillo, while in the second part the Indigenismos léxicos en la Verdadera Historia are presented in alphabetical order. In an inventory of a little more than 80 Americanisms, not fewer than 30 were brought from the Antilles. Approximately 20 of the total remain in Mexican Spanish. Only six Mayan words are found of which one is possibly Nahuatl.

«A rather carefully researched book on the indigenous terms used by the great Spanish chronicler of the early colonial period, who wrote a great deal of his experiences long after they had occurred, but who still had an excellent memory of things he had seen and heard, especially in the conquest of Mexico with Cortés. His spelling of indigenous terms was about as inconsistent and illogical as one could imagine, but he did remember quite faithfully what he had learned in the conquest». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 36:3802 (1974).

«Manuel Alvar hat mit dieser lexikologischen Untersuchung der Chronik von Bernal Díaz del Castillo einen wertvollen Beitrag sur Lehnwortforschung geleistet, wofür ihm die Romanisten und unter ihnen vor allem die Hispanisten zu Dank verpflichtet sind». -Heinz Kröll in RJB, 21 (1971), 361-63.

235. Alvar, Manuel. «Las Relaciones de Yucatán del siglo XVI», RFE, 55 (1972), 1-34.

[M. A.] reviews the texts of Bernal Díaz del Castillo and Diego de Landa, among others to evaluate the influence of Maya on the lexicon of Mexican Spanish. He agrees with Tomás Buesa that in speaking of specific mayismos one has to limit them to the hypothetical forms henequén and huracán. The forms such as alcalché, cenote, balché, chichibé have only regional status. [M. A.] notes: «Se podrían aducir otros muchos mayismos del español yucateco, pero ninguno de ellos ha trascendido a la lengua común como los términos antillanos o nahuas que he citado a lo largo de estas páginas». (p. 3).

236. Boyd-Bowman, Peter. «Observaciones sobre el español hablado en México en el siglo XVI», in Actas del Tercer Congreso Internacional de Hispanistas. Celebrado en México, D. F. del 26 al 31 de agosto de 1968. Carlos H. Magis, ed. México: El Colegio de México por la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas, 1970, 137-42.

[B. B.] notes that he and his helpers have computerized more than 75,000 lexical, syntactic, morphological, and phonological cites for Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean. He briefly discusses the indigenisms of Mexico, their transplantation to other parts, weights and measurements, and concludes with some examples of picturesque speech from the Mexican documents.

«In his search for data leading to his important Índice geográfico de 40,000 pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI, Boyd-Bowman found abundant material of a semantic or syntactic nature; as well as evidence of seseo and yeísmo. Gender of mar, color, calor, puente, for instance, was feminine, quien was both singular and plural, vos was used, and hasta with negative force was found in a Puebla document. Many Nahuatl words appear in the Mexican material». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 34:3125 (1972).

237. Boyd-Bowman, Peter. «Los nombres de pila en México desde 1540 hasta 1950», NRFH, 19 (1970), 12-48.

A statistical study of baptismal names from the records of the Cathedral of Mexico City starting in 1540 and going by 20 year intervals up to 1950. For each year the first 400 names each for masculine and feminine were selected. The author finds three principle stages: 1) (1540-1660) simple names without much variation for both sexes; 2) (1675-1890) names show religious fervor -long names evocative of the Virgin, Saints, and the Holy Family; and, 3) (1910-?) increasing secularization of names with more German, Hebrew, mythological,

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and invented names.

238. Boyd-Bowman, Peter. «Brotes de fonetisino andaluz en México hacia fines del siglo XVI» NRFH, 36 (1988), 75-88.

After a review of his important work on the role of Seville and its dialectal diffusion in the Caribbean, including coastal Veracruz, Mexico, P. Boyd-Bowman continues his work -noting in a number of manuscripts and printed materials from Mexico and Guatemala from 1540-1617 cases of loss, confusion, or ultracorrection among the dentalalveolars /n, d, s, l, r/ in various non-initial positions -Andalusian traits, which even appeared in the documents written by bilingual Indians in the Mexican Highlands. The fact that there were 40.6% Andalusians among the early Spaniards in Mexico; not statistically much less than Cuba (44.4%), Istmo de Panamá (48.8%), Isla Española (49.8%) would easily account for the incipient Andalusizing pattern. The real question is why the popular tendency has disappeared from the Mexican Highlands, even among the lower classes. Could it have been under the influence of later arrivals from Northern Spain such as Catalonians, Basques, and Galicians? P. Boyd-Bowman thinks not. Rather it was the constant and powerful influence of the Viceregal Court in Mexico which erased the earlier popular Andalusian phoneticism and imposed cultured norms such that in the Mexican Highlands today «incluso la clase baja distingue claramente entre alma y arma y pronuncia una sfuerte y sibilante en cualquier posición». (p. 88).

239. Cline, William J. «The Phonology of sixteenth century American Spanish», State Univ. of New York at Buffalo dissert., 1972, 159, DAI 33 (1972), 294A.

This investigation of the changing phonological system of Spanish as spoken in Sixteenth Century America contains much data of interest for Mexican Spanish studies. It is based on data obtained from LASCODOCS (Linguistic Analysis of Spanish Colonial Documents), a computer-assisted project under the direction of Dr. Peter Boyd-Bowman at the State University of New York at Buffalo. The sources for this research are dated non-literary documents (municipal records, etc.) from every region of Spanish America. Such documents contain deviations from the standard literary usage of the period and these variants are the most accurate indications available of the spoken language of the conquistadores.

240. Company, Concepción and Bogard, Sergio. «Las oraciones completivas de nombre sin preposición en el español de México. Una perspectiva diacrónica», ACIEA-II(1986), 243-48.

«En el conjunto de los numerosos estudios recientes sobre el (de)queísmo, este trabajo tiene particular interés por la luz que arroja el análisis histórico del fenómeno». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 758.

241. Grace, Lee Ann. «The Effect of Bilingualism on Sixteenth-Century Mexican Spanish», State Univ. of New York at Buffalo dissert., 1976, 228, DAI 37 (1976), 943A.

242. Grace, Lee Ann. «Los mestizos y los indigenismos: México, 1550-1600», DHEA, 1980, 113-27.

This study sets out to reconstruct through indirect evidence the sociolinguistic effects of bilingualism in the second half of the sixteenth century on the occurrence of indigenisms in the written Spanish of three important groups: native Spaniards, mestizos, and Creoles. It utilizes the texts of eleven writers of diverse social groups. Appendix of the writers with frequency of use of indigenisms.

«Lee Ann Grace... focuses on Amerindian words used by writers of different social backgrounds in her study of the impact of bilingualism on late-16th-c. Mexican Spanish, a topic related to her 1976 SUNY (Buffalo) diss. The eleven writers she examined include bi- and uni-lingual Spaniards, mestizos, and criollos. Appendices list the authors and works consulted, the proportion of Amerindian words in each writer, the varying numbers of Nahuatl words, and those of lexical items adapted linguistically. The main conclusion of the paper is similar to G.’s earlier piece, ‘Indigenisms in Mexican Spanish: A Sociolinguistic Approach’, in Linguistic Approaches to the Romance Lexicon, ed. Frank H. Nuessel, Jr. (Washington: Georgetown UP, 1978), 22-29, namely that Juan Bautista Pomar avoided such Nahuatlisms as were gradually percolating into 16th-c. Spanish, whereas his contemporary Muñoz Camargo unfailingly used Nahuatl terms, despite the fact that both were addressing Spanish readers». -As rev. by Ralph de Gorog in RPh, 36 (1982-83), 252-53.

243. León-Portilla, Ascensión Hernández de, «El Vocabulario de Pedro de Arenas», in ACEIA-II, (1986), 138-41.

«Con ocasión de la nueva edición (1982) del Vocabulario Manual de las Lenguas Castellana y Mexicana

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de Pedro de Arenas, hace algunos comentarios sobre esta obra que ha tenido muchas ediciones desde la inicial de 1611. Arenas hizo un manual práctico de conversación dividido, podría decirse, por campos semánticos y su obra proporciona datos importantes para la historia del español americano (podría apoyar la tesis de C. Parodi de que las africadas alveolares no llegaron a la Nueva España), y contiene algunos nahuatlismos y arcaísmos». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes de Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 754.

244. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Observaciones sobre el uso del verbo en Diego de Ordaz», AnLet, 8 (1970), 39-55.

[L. B.] studies the commands, preterite indicatives, antepreterites, future indicatives, infinitives, gerunds, and participles used by Diego de Ordaz in the seven Cartas which he wrote between April of 1529 and August of 1530 to his nephew Francisco Verdugo. His purpose is to understand better the Spanish transplanted to New Spain during the first half of the sixteenth century.

«Active Mexican linguist examines verbs of the seven cartas of Diego de Ordaz, 1529-30, considering several tenses and moods. It is to be noted that ancestor of voseo forms alternates with regular plurals (embiadme, embiame) and that gerund and absolute participle had extensive use». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 34: 3115 (1972).

245. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La expression condicional en Diego de Ordaz (sobre el español americano en el siglo XVI)», in Studia Hispania in Honorem Rafael Lapesa, I. Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1972, 379-400.

[L. B.] studies conditionals in Diego de Ordaz. There appear a total of 79 clauses which are strictly conditional of which the majority (70) are introduced by the conjunctive si. On three occasions the subordinate nexus is con condición que five are joined by gerunds; and in one case the conditional is implicit in de otra manera. A detailed analysis of verb tenses and morphology of the conditional forms used follows.

246. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Perífrasis verbales en el habla de Diego de Ordaz», in Studia Iberica: Festschrift für Hans Flasche. Hg. Karl-Herman Körner und Klaus Rühl. Bern-München: Francke Verlag, 1973, 383-92.

[L. B.] continues his detailed study of the language of Diego de Ordaz, this time focusing on verbal periphrases in the infinitives, gerunds, and participles. The richness of periphrasis with infinitives querer, desear, espera, poder, osar, soler, etc. is in contrast to the poverty of periphrasis of gerunds: limited to estar and andar. Participial periphrasis, in addition to quedar + part., displays the concurrence of tener/haber with preference for tener for possessive transitives. The estar/ser concurrence is clearly modern with the exception that Diego de Ordaz uses ser as auxiliary with participle of obligar and several other verbs.

247. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Los pronombres átonos en las cartas de Diego de Ordaz», RLSP 18 (1976), 123-42.

248. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sintaxis de los relativos en las Cartas de Diego de Ordaz», AnLet, 18 (1980), 63-84.

[L. B.] continues his study of the syntax of an early Mexican, Diego de Ordaz, in the letters written to a nephew in 1529, by looking at relative pronouns and adverbs of which he finds 395 examples: Que (356); Quien (26); Cual (9); Cuyo (0); and Cuanto (2).

249. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Los nexos conjuntivos en las cartas de Diego de Ordaz», Thes, 39 (1984), 46-79.

[L. B.] continues his study of the state of the Spanish language during the first decades of the conquest of Mexico, this time focussing on the conjunctions. Contains an index of the connective forms.

250. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La pronunciación de Diego Ordaz: contribución a la historia del español americano». NRFH, 33 (1984), 337-51.

251. Lope Blanch, Juan M. El habla de Diego de Ordaz. Contribución a la historia del español americano. México: UNAM, 1985. 231 pp.

A compilation of previously published articles on the language of Diego de Ordaz. See preceding entries.

«[L. B.] considers seven letters home from this conquistador, an educated loísta using sufficiently complex constructions (e. g. subordinating causatives) for this probably not in the event to be his ‘habla’: a spin-off article appears in Homenaje a Galmés de Fuentes, I, 223-31». -Rev. by Roger Wright in YMLS, 49 (1987), p. 279.

252. Martínez, Francisco J. «Algunos aspectos del español traído a México en el siglo XVI: el uso del infinitivo en una carta del P. Francisco Ramírez, misionero de Páscuaro», ALFAL-IV,

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1978, 427-37.

The document studied is a letter of a Jesuit missionary in the region of Páscuaro, Michoacán in New Spain. Francisco Ramírez is writing to his superiors to give an accounting of the activities at the mission and to ask for assistance. [F. M.] studies the use of the infinitive in coordinating clauses and in three types of subordinate clauses: noun, adjective, and adverbial.

253. Mendoza, José Francisco, «Sintaxis del gerundio en la Relación breve de Fray Francisco de Aguilar», AnLet, 21 (1983), 191-99.

Thus study forms part of the larger investigation of the Spanish of the sixteenth century brought to Mexico -in this case the document studied is the Relación breve de la conquista de la Nueva España written between 1560 and 1565. [J. F. M.] finds that gerunds made up 30%. of nonpersonal forms of the verb as compared to the diminution to 10% in contemporary speech in the Mexican capital as based on E. Traill’s study. (See entries 89, 90).

254. Molina, Fray Alonso de. Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana (México, 1571). Estudio prel. de M. León-Portilla. México: Porrúa, 1970, 51 pp.

255. Parodi, Claudia. «Para el estudio de la lengua traída a la Nueva España», AnLet, 8 (1970), 205-18.

Author publishes here and studies the phonetics of a short manuscript from New Spain (1539): number 8 of volume 2 of the «Inquisición de México» found in the General Archives of Mexico. It contains the judgment against Francisco de Sayavedra, accused of having made dangerous statements on religion, influenced by the reading of the works of Erasmus. Analysis reveals that the opposition /z/-/s/ has disappeared completely and that the manuscript presents no case of the seseo, among other things, while the distinction between the prepalatal fricatives /z/-/s/ is fully maintained.

«Examination of Old Spanish sibilant gradation and leveling of these phonemes, based on 1539 document. Text included». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 34:3121 (1972).

256. Parodi, Claudia. «Las formas de tratamiento de segunda persona en el español mexicano. Análisis de 13 obras dramáticas de los siglos XVI al XX», ALFAL-IV, 1978, 523-31.

[C. P.] studies the gradual loss of voseo in Mexico and attributes it to the use in New Spain of vos with its «primitivo valor reverencial». «En el siglo XX, vos y vosotros, sustituidos por usted y ustedes desaparecen totalmente del uso literario general. La venganza de la gleba de Federico Gamboa, que data de 1904, no ofrece ni un solo ejemplo de vos ni de vosotros». (p. 530).

257. Parodi, Claudia. «Para el conocimiento de la fonética castellana en la Nueva España: 1523. Las sibilantes». in ALFAL-III 1976, 115-25.

258. Parodi, Claudia. «Algunos aspectos léxicos relativos al repartimiento forzoso o cuatequitl del centro de México, 1517-1599», EHN, 6 (1978), 47-64.

«Linguistic study of the terms used in 16th century to refer to forced labor. Although not strictly a historical subject, this study should be useful to historians trying to determine meanings of words in manuscripts». -As annot. by Asunción Lavrin in HLAS 42: 2074 (1980).

259. Parodi, Claudia. «Orden de los pronombres átonos durante el primer cuarto del siglo XVI el español novohispano», NRFH, 28 (1979), 313-17.

A study of verbal pronouns based on a series of texts from Nueva España from 1523-1526. [C. P.] finds that in 752 examples the enclisis or proclisis of the pronoun depended above all on verb form, even though the position within the sentence still exercised a certain influence. «Es decir, ya se perfilaba el subsistema moderno, pero persistía, aunque relegado, el subsistema medieval». (p. 313).

«Spanish American documents of the 16th and 17th centuries indicate that the position of the object pronouns in Old Spanish depended on place within the utterance. In Modern Spanish the position depends on the form of the verb. Documents seem to point to a gradual change during the 16th century, the same period that saw major changes in the Spanish sound system». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44: 4617 (1982).

260. Pontillo, James John. «Nautical Terms in Sixteenth-Century American Spanish», State Univ. of New York at Buffalo dissert, 1983, 191 pp., DAI, 36 (1976), 4456A (See also his «Sixteenth-Century Nautical Terms in Modern American Spanish», in BFCh, 27 [1976], 151-62).

An historical linguistic study of Spanish nautical terms which were introduced into Spain’s American colonies during the sixteenth century.

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An assembled corpus of 751 nautical terms which were found in non-Literary sixteenth century documents. Principle source of dated colonial documents is LASCODOCS. Contains an appendix of nautical terms by category.

261. Vidal, Pilar Máynez. «Implicaciones lingüístico-culturales de los préstamos náhuas en el texto castellano del Códice florentino», ACIEA-II (1986), 258-61.

«Se refiere a las opiniones encontradas respecto al influjo indígena en el español de América y en particular en el de Méjico, expone los caracteres de un estudio que realiza sobre los nahuatlismos en el Códice florentino de la obra de fray Bernardino de Sahagún sobre cuyo gran valor y riqueza en comparación con otras obras similares comenta el autor dando también algunos ejemplos de las definiciones de Sahagún». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 759.

262. Wilson, Joseph M. «The -ra and -seVerb Forms in Mexico: A Diachronic Examination from Non-literary Sources», Univ. of Mass. dissert., 1983, 174 pp., DAI, 44 (1984), 3054A.

This study, based on the statistical evaluation of non-literary sources (including verbatim transcriptions of actual speech wherever possible), proves that in the early sixteenth century the -se subjunctive form demonstrated a marked predominance in frequency of occurrence over the -ra variant, and that with the passage of time the -ra subjunctive supplanted the -se form almost totally in the speech of Mexico. Also demonstrated is the fact that the -ra indicative form, despite its renaissance in Romantic literature and its frequent use in modern journalism, has never played a significant part in the verbal paradigm of Mexican Spanish. The net result is that both the -se subjunctive and the -ra indicative have essentially disappeared from common use in Spanish America, the imperfect subjunctive now having a single form.

263. Zamora, Juan Clemente. «Indigenismos en la lengua común de la América española: siglo XVI», State Univ. of New York at Buffalo dissert., 1971, 108 pp., DAI, 32 (1971), 3288A.

The purpose of this dissertation is to study the penetration of Indian loan-words into the spoken American Spanish of the XVI Century. This work is made possible by access to the materials of a much wider research project covering the language used in the daily affairs of the Spanish conquerors and settlers of America, a project named LASCODOCS (Linguistic Analysis of Spanish Colonial Documents) and conducted under the direction of Dr. Peter Boyd-Bowman. LASCODOCS uses as sources non-literary materials (minutes of town meetings, court records, contracts, etc.) and hence permits an approximation to the daily spoken speech of the Spanish colonies. The core of the work is a lexicon in which the Indian loan-words collected are given, followed by their language of origin, their meanings at the time, the places and dates in which they have been documented, illustrative contexts, and orthographic variations. This lexicon is followed by a commentary.




XI. REGIONAL STUDIES

Chiapas:

264. Corzo Espinosa, César. Palabras de origen indígena en el español de Chiapas México: Costa-Amic Editores, 1978, 326 pp., biblio, index.

Poorly done work on an interesting dialect of Mexican Spanish. To be avoided for its many whimsical entries as Lope Blanch notes: «En algunas ocasiones me he referido a las fantasías de los etimólogos de buena voluntad pero de discutible formación profesional. El número de etimologías fantásticas que se reúnen en este libro es muy elevado. Y ello porque su autor desconoce -o voluntariamente deja de lado- estudios esenciales sobre las etimologías del vocabulario hispánico». -Juan M. Lope Blanch in AnLet, 21 (1983), 342-46. Also annot. by Canfíeld in HLAS 44:4535 (1982).

Chihuahua:

265. Aguilar Melantzón, Ricardo D. et al. Glosario del «caló» de Ciudad Juárez: primera aproximación.

-Rev. by Erlinda Gonzales-Berry in Journal of Borderland Studies. 2 (1) (Spring 1987), 113-15 and Margarita Hidalgo in Chasqui, 16 (2) (nov 1987), 71-74.

266. Hidalgo, Margarita. «Language Use and Language Attitudes in Juárez, Mexico». Univ. of New Mexico dissert., 1983, 247 pp., DAI 45 (1984), 1383A

In this study, eighty-five residents of Juárez, Mexico, the largest city along the Mexico-United States border, were interviewed by means of a structured questionnaire eliciting data on language use and language attitudes. This study defines the

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societal functions of Spanish, English, and Spanglish, describes the specific domains and the frequency with which English is used in Juárez, and explores the use of Spanglish.

267. García Hidalgo, Margarita Isabel. «Español mexicano y español chicano: Problemas y propuestas fundamentales». LPLP, 11 (2) (Summer 1987), 166-93.

268. Spyropoulos, Esperanza M. «The Phonology of the Word in a Spanish Dialect», Languages and Linguistics. IV, Num. 1. Washington, D. C.: Georgetown Univ. Press, 1969. 24-41.

«Estudio fonético y fonológico sobre el habla de Balleza, Estado de Chihuahua, México». -Carlos A. Solé, «Bibliografía del español de América 1967-1971», AnLet, 10 (1972), 253-88, entry 236.

Coahuila:

269. Gavaldón, Lourdes, «Aspectos fonéticos de Múzquiz, Coahuila», AnLet, 8 (1970), 219-34. Bibl.

This study which forms part of a UNAM thesis examines the phonetics of selected consonants in the city of Melchor Múzquiz in the northern part of Coahuila: /b/, /d/, /g/, /f/, /x/, /ch/, /y/, /rr/, /r/, and /s/. As might be expected Gavaldón finds typical Northern Mexican speech patterns such as the /y/ caduca in such words as gaína for gallina.

«Based on interviews with 32 men and women, 40 percent of whom were illiterate and 20 percent of whom were of the clase culta, Navarro’s Cuestionario lingüístico hispanoamericano (Univ. de Buenos Aires, 1943) was applied for analysis of pronunciation. Traits to be noted: tendency toward fricative consonants and lax tension and assibilated /rr/». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 34:3060 (1972).

270. Villarello Vélez, Ildefonso, El habla de Coahuila. Saltillo: Ediciones Mástil, 1970.

Listed by Carlos A. Solé in his «Bibliografía del español de América: 1967-1971», AnLet, 10 (1972), 253-88, entry 241.

Jalisco:

271. Cárdenas, Daniel N. El español de Jalisco: Contribución a la geografía hispano-americana. (Anejos de la Revista de Filología Española, 85). Madrid, 1967. 201 pp. 30 maps.

We include this work since it was simply listed by Davis, entry 134. Fourteen years elapsed between the 1953 Columbia dissertation and the publication of El español de Jalisco with very little, if any, revision such that Jerry Craddock is perhaps a little too uncharitable in finding the work to be «extremely weak both in conception and execution». Craddock continues on to note: «I have rarely worked through a dialect study that left so faint an imprint of the specific character and idiosyncracies of the speech communities under observation». -Jerry R. Craddock in HR, 38 (1970), 422-25.

México:

272. Zimmermann, Klaus. «El español de los otomíes del valle del Mezquital (México). Un dialecto étnico», ACIEA-II, (1986), 234-40.

«Menciona las variedades idiomáticas usadas en el Valle del Mezquital, los rasgos principales del español otomí (alargamiento de vocal acentuada, nasalización, oclusión glotal entre vocales, tono alto en sílaba acentuada, apócope, alteraciones en la sintaxis preposicional, los modos verbales, la concordancia en género, número y sujeto-verbo, etc.) y trata luego de caracterizar idiomáticamente al español otomí -¿pidgin, criollo, dialecto étnico?-; se inclina por la última alternativa por tratarse de una variedad producto de la interferencia, claramente localizable y masiva. Se pregunta finalmente por el futuro de tal variedad: ¿desaparición por integración en español mejicano, conservación?» -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 758.

Nuevo León:

273. Cavazos Garza, Israel, «El habla del noreste de México: comentarios», Humanitas, 1976, 419-26.

«Mostly sketchy comments about Nuevo León’s phonology: ella becomes [ea], capilla [kapía]. 50 miles away in Saltillo this is not the case. Tells of archaisms truje, endenantes, ansina, dende, etc. One feature of Monterrey Spanish was not mentioned: dissimilation of such combinations as en medio [en médjo] rather than [enmédjo]». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 40:6033 (1978).

Oaxaca:

274. Garza Cuarón, Beatriz. El español hablado en la ciudad de Oaxaca, México: Caracterización fonética y léxica. México: El Colegio de México, 1987. 169 pp.

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The contents of this text are divided into three chapters. The first chapter gives a thorough treatment of the geographic, social and economic, linguistic, and historical background of the city of Oaxaca. The second chapter carefully and precisely notes all phonological variants of this dialect of Mexican Spanish. The third chapter is the most complete and gives very sufficient data on the lexicon of Oaxaca. Contains a short but useful bibliography and extensive word index. -Rev. by Thomas M. Stephens in Hisp., 72 (1989), 563-64 and José G. Moreno de Alba in NRFH, 37 (1989), 259-62.

275. Lastra de Suárez, Yolanda, «Códigos amplios y restringidos en el español de Oaxaca, México», AnAntr, 9 (1972), 189-207. Bibl. tables.

«This Oaxaca study was made to examine the relation between social structure and speech behavior. Children of the middle class represented one sector and a group from the working class the second. Those of the middle class tended to have a código amplio and the workers’ children a código restringido. Differences in sentence length, the number of adjectives used, skill with the abstract were noted. The lower class people often resorted to extra-verbal expression in place of verbal». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 38:6091 (1976).

276. Morgan, Mary Muse. «Language Change in Progress in Tontontepec, Oaxaca, México», Georgetown Univ. dissert., 1980, 145 pp., DAI 41 (1980), 3087A.

Language contact between the indigenous language Mixe and the Spanish language has increased notably in Tontontepec, Oaxaca during the last fifty years. The purpose of the present study is to determine and document the effects of this language contact diachronically through two studies: 1) an acculturation study at three points in time -1930, 1965, and 1980; and 2) ethnographical studies of two women in their fifties, one of whom is monolingual in Mixe and the other bilingual in Mixe and Spanish.

San Luis Potosí:

277. Rissel, Dorothy. «La dinámica social de la asibilación de vibrantes en San Luis Potosí, México», ACIEA-II (1986), 357-61.

«Con entrevistas a jóvenes entre 12-22 años de ambos sexos muestra que las mujeres prefieren las variantes asibiladas y que la actitud ante el trabajo de la mujer (que salga a trabajar o que se quede en casa) influye también en el fenómeno».

-As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), pp. 762-63.

Sinaloa:

278. Hidalgo, Margarita, «Sobre las variantes de /s/ en Mazatlán, Sinaloa», Hisp, 73 (1990), 526-29.

Thus brief note offers descriptive information on the pronunciation of /s/ in the most important Mexican community of the Pacific coast Mazatlán with a population of 250,000. Nine hours of formal and informal recordings of 15 inhabitants selected at random testify to five realizations of the /s/: (1) la [s] plana, tensa y larga; (2) la [s] predorsoalveolar convexa que puede ser tanto tensa como relajada y corta; (3) la aspiración laríngea [h]; (4) la omisión de s /0/; (5) «Finalmente creemos haber escuchado una s interdentalizada..., que no sólo ha sido documentada en Sinaloa, sino en otras regiones del mundo hispanoparlante». (p. 527) [M. H.] suggests that in the Mexican Pacific coastal areas, just as on the Atlantic coast and the Yucatán, occur interesting intersections between the regional dialect and the standard norm and notes that «La vieja hipótesis del Maestro Menéndez Pidal con respecto a la oposición geográfico-lingüística de las tierras ‘de la flota’ y de las tierras interiores tiene plena vigencia aún...» (p. 528).

279. López Chávez, Juan, «El fonema /s/ en el habla de La Cruz, Sinaloa», NRFH, 26 (1977), 332-40.

[L. Ch] selects La Cruz, Sinaloa for study of the phoneme /s/ based on the data of the Mexican dialectal study tape recordings which revealed a variety of pronunciation for the phoneme in this area. «En conclusión, la s de La Cruz -de acuerdo con estos datos, escasos ciertamente-, es predorsoalveolar convexa apoyada en los incisivos inferiores, o plana, o dental convexa. Se aspira sobre todo en posición implosiva ante consonante sonora (81%), medianamente ante vocal (52%), en menor grado ante sorda (37%) y poco en posición final absoluta (19%). Se registró aspiración en posición explosiva: intervocálica, inicial o tras r. Por lo que sospecho que el fenómeno se ve favorecido por el contacto sonoro con consonante o vocal. El proceso creo que es relativamente moderno y supongo que no tiene raíces en fenómenos de población o en el substrato. Hay indicios de que aspiran más los hombres que las mujeres y, dentro de esta división, más los jóvenes que los viejos». (p. 338). An index of recordings and questionnaires.

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Sonora:

280. Brown, Dolores. «El habla juvenil de Sonora, México: la fonética de 32 jóvenes». NRFH, 37 (1989), 43-82.

The basis of this study is the analysis of the sounds recorded in the speech of 32 youths of the state of Sonora: 16 females and 16 males ranging in age from 16 to 22 years. [D. B.] in this thorough study finds a clear distinction between male and female speech: «Puesto que las mujeres varían el uso de los alófonos, por ejemplo, entre [s] y [], [r] y [], [r] y [r], [x] y [h], se puede concluir que los jóvenes sonorenses tienden a incorporar mayor variedad alofónico que sus contrapartidas masculinas. En otras palabras, hay más variación libre, mayor poliformismo en el habla femenil que en la masculina». (p. 82).

281. Molina Molina, Flavio. Nombres indígenas de Sonora y su traducción al español. México: Hermosillo, Sonora, 1972. 187 pp.

Tabasco:

282. Moreno de Alba, José G. «Zonas dialectales de Tabasco y Veracruz: Estudio léxico», NRFE. 25 (1976), 332-52. 20 maps.

In this note [M. de A.] continues the work of [L. B.] (see entry 298), LZM = «Léxico de la zona maya», 1971; in defining the Mayan zone of lexical influence. [M. de A.] reduces the number of lexical items studied from 25 to 19 and includes Veracruz in his study. He looks at 26 localities, which do not correspond exactly with the political boundaries of Tabasco-Veracruz. Lexical items used are: benjamín (el hijo menor); migas de pan; orzuelo, divieso; leporino; posos, sedimiento de los líquidos; pavo; papalote, cometa; voltereta; monedas sueltas; adehala; raya de pelo; colibrí, armónica; tirador, desportillar, hilo; coser, pasador, bíceps. Maps provided for most of these items. Conclusion: Tabasco is a frontier dialect zone with greater inclination to the Yucatec-Campeche than to the Veracruz zone.

283. Gutiérrez Eskildsen, Rosario M. Sustrato y superestrato del español de Tabasco. México: Consejo Editorial del Estado de Tabasco, 1978, 126 pp., bibl. ill., maps (Serie Lingüística; 3).

«First ed. of 1944 doctoral thesis of well known Tabasco linguist... Methods she used in 1930’s were ahead of her time, especially in described relation between language traits and area’s demographic conditions. However, her assignment of Tabasco voseo (now practically gone) to Chontal influence, indicates little reading in history of Spanish from Latin». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4537 (1984).

284. Gutiérrez Eskildsen, Rosario M. Como hablamos en Tabasco y otros trabajos. México: Consejo Editorial del Gobierno del Estado de Tabasco, 1981, 192 pp. (Cuadernos del Consejo Editorial; 6).

«Although author’s investigations go back to 1930’s and 1940’s, early material is not available. This little volume includes many efforts before and after she received her 1944 UNAM doctorate. Interesting to see how certain misconceptions have been cleared up by work of North American scholars, especially with relation to origins of American Spanish». -As annot by Canfield in HLAS 46:4536 (1984).

285. Williamson, Rodney. El habla de Tabasco. Estudio lingüístico. México: El Colegio de México, 1986. 272 pp.

This work represents the first in a series of dialectal studies published by the Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios. While the Atlas lingüístico de México (ALM) classifies its informants in three sociocultural groups, Williamson divides his informants into five levels of three generational groups for a total of 102 informants from 10 basic Tabascan locations and 6 secondary sites. Only recordings of spontaneous conversation are utilized. Principal phonetic features found are aspiration of /s/ and velar articulation of /n/: both of which are Andalusian features shared with other Gulf of Mexico areas such as Veracruz and Campeche-Yucatán. Concludes that Tabasco is a linguistic transition zone between Veracruz and Campeche-Yucatán, but is closer to Campeche phonetically and lexically. Forty lexical maps, various appendices, and a good bibliography.-Rev. by José G. Morena de Alba in NRFH , 35 (1987) 355-58.

Veracruz:

286. Young, Ronald R. Alto Lucero: observaciones lingüísticas. Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1975. 129 pp.

In this study (based on a 1972 Univ. of Illinois dissert.) the author observes and reports on the major dialectal features of the Spanish spoken in a remote village in the State of Veracruz, Mexico. The study is divided into three major sections followed

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by general observations and an appendix which includes phonetic transcriptions of responses to a linguistic questionnaire, sample of lyric poetry and popular folklore.

Yucatán:

287. Alvar, Manuel. «Bilingüismo e integración», Revista Española de Lingüística, [Madrid], 1:1, enero/junio 1971, pp. 25-57.

«Author believes that bilingualism of certain areas (México, Yucatán, Perú, etc.) will tend to disappear with time, to be replaced by Spanish only. Factors are prestige, commerce, technology, result: integration». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 34:3069 (1972).

288. Amaro Gamboa, Jesús. «El uayeísmo en la cultura de Yucatán», RUY, 21:000, nov./dic. 1979, 88-143.

«Noting that the Maya word uayé means ‘here, in this place’, author describes in the March/April number of this same journal how the independent spirit of Yucatán vis-à-vis the rest of Mexico can be referred to as uayeísmo and how anything typically Yucatec is uayé. No puede estar más uayé ese traje que vistes. Writer also shows a strong tendency in the Peninsula to use apodos for everyone». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44:4524 (1982).

289. Amaro Gamboa, Jesús. «Vocabulario del uayeísmo en la cultura de Yucatán», RUY, 23:124, marzo/abril 1981, 103-53.

«Having established justification for designations uayé and uyeísmo, to refer to ‘this place’ (i. e., Yucatán and what is typical of Yucatán), article is section cachivache-cat of what will be an extensive vocabulary. As with many regional vocabularies, entries are not only regional, but Hispanic or at least characteristic of several areas. In this particular instance, however, combination of Spanish and Indian definitions and references is more marked than usual because Maya is still spoken by so many inhabitants». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 48:4522 (1986).

290. Amaro Gamboa, Jesús. «EI uayeísmo en la cultura de Yucatán», RUY 24:140, marzo/ abril 1982, 123-44.

«Defines task of establishing Yucatecan identity (see HLAS 44:4524) as uayeísmo. Also says that indígenas of Mexico must ‘untribe’ themselves, becoming free of leaders, anthropologists, Indian bureaucrats, and without ceasing to be Indians, enter category of Mexican citizens». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4519 (1984).

291. Amaro Gamboa, Jesús. «Vocabulario del uayeísmo en la cultura de Yucatán: continuación», RUY, 24:140, marzo/abril 1982, 145-61; 24:141, mayo/agosto 1982, 129-50; 24:144, nov./dic. 1982, 125-52.

«Three additional contributions to author’s continuing study of Yucatecan expressions (see item 4519 and HLAS 44:4524)». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4520 (1984).

292. Amaro Gamboa, Jesús. «Hibridismos en el habla del yucateco: pts. 1-3», RUY, 25: 147, julio/sept. 1983, 123-189; 25: 148, oct./dic. 1983, 156-87; 26:149, enero/marzo 1984, 128-50.

«Revealing vocabulary of common practice in Yucatán: combinations of Spanish and Maya in everyday speech. Focuses on ‘Uayeísmo en la cultura de Yucatán’ (see item 4522). Succeeds in building here convincing glossary of hybridization, extending into phonology (e. g., hacer chul is to scoop up last bit of gravy with tortilla; x-tancia shows phonological mayización of estancia). Includes index of words defined and lengthy explanations of usage». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 48:4521 (1986).

293. Barrera Vásquez, Alfredo, «El español yucateco como fenómeno histórico», Estudios Lingüísticos. México: Fondo Editorial de Yucatán, 1980, Vol. 1, 103-19.

Primarily deals with lexicology.

294. Cassano, Paul Vincent, «La influencia del maya en la fonología del español de Yucatán», (Trans. by Marcela Uribe) AnLet, 15 (1977), 95-113. Bibl. tables.

[P. C.] offers a critique of Manuel Alvar’s work on Mayan influence. Features studied include 1) occlusive variants of /b, d, g/; 2) [-m] final as a possible variant of /n/; and 3) the extraordinarily tense /s/ in Yucatecan Spanish noted by Alvar. (See also P. C.’s «The concept of latency in contact language borrowing», Linguistics, 78 (1972), 5-15).

«With his usual role of iconoclast in the matter of influences in language-in-contact situations, Cassano examines the work of Manual Alvar (see HLAS 34:3070) on the possible influences of Maya phonology on the Spanish of Yucatán. His knowledge of dialectal phenomena of other parts of Hispanic America lead him to the inevitable conclusion that such things as occlusive [b, d, g], [m] final and a tense /s/ can very well be internal to Spanish».

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Also annot. by Canfield in HLAS 42:4526 (1980).

295. Coupal, Lysanne and Cuaire Plante, «Las oclusivas sordas yucatecas: /ptk/: ¿Fuertes, aspiradas, glotalizadas?» Langues et Linguistique, 3 (1977), 126-76.

An extensive and detailed article dedicated to the exclusive spectrographic analysis of the Yucatecan articulation of /p, t, k/. For a critique of this article see [L. B.] «Sobre glotalizaciones...», Alvar-I, 1983, 376ff.

296. García Fajardo, Josefina, Fonética del español de Valladolid, Yucatán . Mexico: UNAM, 1984. 105 pp. 2 maps, 8 pictures, bibl.

This work contains an Introduction, followed by the Phonetic Alphabet Study of the Vowels, and Study of the Consonants. It is based on a 1976 thesis presented at the Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico which [L. B.] disagrees with and critiques. Nevertheless he says: «En el más completo y pormenorizado estudio hecho hasta ahora sobre la fonética de un habla hispanoyucateca [J. G. F.] describe con minuciosidad los casos de aparición de la consonante oclusiva glotal (o corte glótico), así como de las consonantes glotalizadas /p, t, k,/». For a critique os this article see [L. B.]. «Sobre glotalizaciones...» Alvar-I, 1983, 375 pp.

297. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «El léxico de la zona maya en el marco de la dialectología mexicana», NRFH, 20 (1971), 1-63; (Inv. dial. mex., 1979, 59-132).

In this important study [L. B.] confirms the linguistic autonomy of the Mayan zone and modifies the basic division made by Henríquez Ureña to exclude Campeche and, in some cases, the southern coast of Tabasco from the Mayan zone. The title is somewhat misleading since [L. B.] with the use of 27 maps and the initial study of 50 cities in Mexico uses 25 lexical items for a tentative delimitation of the dialectal zones of Mexico. -Rev. by María Beatriz Fontanella de Weinberg in RPh., 28 (1974-75), 104-11. See also the A. Quilis rev. of Inv. dial mex., 1979 in RFE, 61 (1981), 263-65.

298. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Un caso de posible influencia maya en el español mexicano», NRFH, 24 (1975), 89-100.

In this article [L. B.] examines one of the cases in which polymorphism in Tabasco, Campeche, and Yucatán was particularly intense -the articulation of the [-r] word or syllable-final position as a retroflex or cacuminal which previously had not been noted in any of the regions of Mexico. He concludes that «No tiene por qué ser, necesariamente, una articulación de procedencia maya; pero su aparición en el español yucateco bien puede estar condicionada por la especial situación lingüística -bilingüe, de norma inestable, polimórfica- propia de ese territorio». (p. 100).

«In encuestas made by Lope Blanch in Yucatán, several indications of retroflex /r/ were found in Spanish of Champotón, Campeche, Mérida, Valladolid, but not in towns in south of peninsula, nor in Villahermosa. Author raises question of whether these articulations are due to Maya influence, or, since Maya does not have /r/, to polimorfismo inspired by Maya». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 40:6048 (9178); also rev. by Siegfried Muñoz Van Lamoen in BFCh, 27 (1976), 335-36.

299. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Fisonomía del español yucateco», (Ponencia leída en el IV Simposio de Dialectología del Caribe Hispánico, Universidad Interamericana de Puerto Rico, San Germán, P. R., 19-21 de abril de 1979; inédita) (Appears in Est. esp. yuc., 1987, 7-19).

[L. B.] gives an overview of Yucatecan Spanish, noting that Yucatecan Spanish is vigorously distinguished from all other dialects of Mexican Spanish. «Esa singularidad lingüística de los yucatecos responde básicamente, en mi opinión, a dos circunstancias fundamentales: en primer lugar, y sobre todo, a la influencia de la lengua autóctona -el maya-, que ha mantenido una situación muy especial dentro de la historia lingüística de México; y en segundo lugar -como consecuencia tal vez indirecta de ello-, al intensísimo polimorfismo de las modalidades yucatecas del español». (p. 8)

300. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La interferencia Lingüística: un ejemplo del español yucateco», Thes, 35 (1980), 80-97. (Also appears in Est. esp. yuc., 1987, 48-64).

The example of possible linguistic interference which [L. B.] takes up here is the Yucatecan labialization of the nasal in word final position pronouncing «pam» for «pan» as was noted by Félix Ramos i Duarte in the Diccionario de mejicanos, 2a. ed., 1898, but overlooked by Suárez and Henríquez Ureña. Not until 1967 did a linguist again look at this peculiarity: Manuel Alvar, «Nuevas notas sobre el español de Yucatán», Ibero 1 (1969), 159-89. [L. B.] agrees with Alvar on the fundamental influence of Mayan on this feature and adds some new data in corroboration.

«Writer cites many cases of final /n/ as [m] in

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Yucatán Spanish. This had not been noted by Suárez (item 4590). In the encuestas of Manuel Alvar, who worked with the Mexican project, final /n/ was [m] in about 20 percent of the cases: jamóm, tacóm, sacritám. Also reported, as one might anticipate, [n] and in many cases just a nasalized vowel». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44:4567 (1982).

301. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre la influencia fonética maya en el español de Yucatán», Thes, 36 (1981), 413-28. (This paper was read at the «Workshop on Spanish in Contact with English, Maya and Quechua», in New York, from the 27th to the 29th of September of 1979, under the auspices of the Social Science Research Council, coordinated by Dr. Eugenio Chang-Rodríguez). (Also appears in Est. esp. Yuc., 1987, 32-47).

In yet another article on the Spanish of the Yucatán [L. B.] lists seventeen features which have been seen to be related to Mayan influence. With the exception of glottalization [L. B.] casts a jaundiced eye at claims of Mayan influence and warns: «No creo que se deba olvidar que los hechos lingüísticos rara vez tienen una sola y sistemática explicación». (p. 428). This critique is directed to M. Alvar, «Nuevas notas sobre el español de Yucatán», Ibero, 1 (1969), 159-89, and P. Cassano, «La influencia del maya...» (See entry 294).

«Evidence resulting from encuestas made in Chetumal, Valladolid, Tizimín, Mérida, Ticul, and Campeche. Aside from previously reported glottalization, article reports considerable occurrence of occlusive articulation of /b, d, g/ and final /n/ as [m], and a retroflex /r/ (see HLAS 44: 4567)». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4540 (1984).

302. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre la influencia del maya en el español de Yucatán», NRFH, 31 (1982), 83-90, 2 maps. (This brief communication was read at the «Exploratory Workshop on Spanish in Contact with Other Languages in the Western Hemisphere», in New York from the 7th to the 9th of June of 1978 wider the auspices of the Social Science Research Council, coordinated by Dr. Eugenio Chang-Rodríguez.) (Also appears in Est. Esp. Yuc., 1987, 20-31).

[L. B.] publishes yet another article on Mayan influence on Yucatecan Spanish. Given the republication of the Suárez volume and a variety of other monographs on Yucatecan Spanish by [L. B.] and others it is really difficult to see how [L. B.] could make the statement, «siendo tan escasos los estudios dedicados hasta ahora al español de Yucatán». (p. 83).

«Based on data collected over 10-year-period by El Colegio de México investigators. Part of project to designate Mexican dialect zones. Significant aspect of this particular phase is that in Yucatán the Indian language enjoys much more prestige than does Zapotec in Oaxaca or Nahuatl in Puebla. There is coexistence as well as hybridization (see item 4521). Problem of polimorfismo, of which Lope Blanch often writes, is apparently intensified in an actually bilingual region, especially in articulation of final /r/». -As annot. by Canfield in, HLAS 48:4536 (1986).

303. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre glotalizaciones en el español de Yucatán», in Alvar-I, 1983, 373-85. (Also appears in Est. esp. yuc., 1987, 92-107).

«[J. M. Lope Blanch] examines the glottal consonants in Yucatán Spanish. This has been a debated subject ever since Nykl mentioned it in 1930 (Modern Philology, 27). L. B. takes soundings from 36 informants and concludes that Yucatán Spanish is not characterized by frequent use of glottalized consonants, and especially not because of a Maya adstratum as has been supposed». -Douglas Gifford in YWMLS, 46 (1984), 419 pp.

304. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Las consonantes oclusivas en el español de Yucatán», LEA, 5 (1983), 71-91. (Also appears in Est. esp. yuc., 1987, 65-91).

[L. B.] examines the supposed Mayan influence in the pronunciation of the phonemes /b/, /d/, /g/ as occlusives rather than fricatives and notes: «En el caso de las articulaciones oclusivas de /b/ /d/ /g/, por ejemplo, son tantas las circunstancias que se deben tomar en consideración, que no podría llegarse fácil ni ligeramente a una conclusión segura. La prudencia, pues, recomienda poner punto final a lo dicho y no tratar de ir por el momento, más allá de la simple exposición objetiva de lo observado en el habla de mis informantes yucatecos». (p. 90).

305. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Un caso de interferencia amerindia en el español de México», AnLet, 22 (1984), 209-18, bibl, maps. (This paper was read on the 23rd of October, 1982 at the Ninth California Convocation in Romance Philology, organized by the University of California at Davis).

[L. B.] begins this note by reviewing his continuing disagreement with noted linguists such as

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Ángel Rosenblat and Bertil Malmberg concerning the Amerindian influence on Spanish. [L. B.] does concede a slight influence in the Yucatán: «En síntesis: el número de testimonios de glotalizición consonántica reunidos en nuestras encuestas sobre el español de Yucatán representa una proporción absolutamente insignificante, que de ninguna manera puede invocarse como caracterizadora del habla hispanoyucateca». (p. 213).

306. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La labialización de -n final en el español yucateco», V Simposio de Dialectología del Caribe Hispánico, Caracas (en prensa, 1981).

307. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre los cortes glóticos del español yucateco, «in the Homenaje a Luis Flórez, Bogotá: Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1984, 199-219. (Also appears in Est. esp. yuc, 1987, 108-24).

[L. B.] seeks to clear up the confusion that has existed between the glottal stops and the glottalization of certain consonants in the Spanish of Yucatán. The first -the glottal stop /?/ is a true phoneme which results from a glottal explosion produced by air pressure from the lungs; the second -the glottalized consonants /p’ t’ s’ c’ k’/ are oral phonemes with different points of articulation in which glottalization is merely one distinctive feature. Unlike the glottalized consonants which are sporadic and of insignificant frequency in Yucatecan Spanish, the «cortes glóticos» are quite frequent and serve to differentiate Yucatecan Spanish from other dialects.

308. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «De etimología yucatanense», in Studia Humanitatis: Homenaje a Rubén Bonifaz Nuño. Mexico: UNAM, 1987. (Also appears in Est. esp. Yuc., 1987, 125-37).

[L. B.] reviews the various historians’ explanations of the origin of the name for Yucatán beginning with Hernán Cortés’ statement that when first asked the name of the land the Indians replied in Mayan «No entiendo, no entiendo». After examining the other fanciful explanations for the name of Yucatán, [L. B.] decides that Cortés was right in that one fine day in 1517 when the Spaniards landed and asked where they were, the Indians replied that they didn’t understand and turned to one and other and commented uyuc u t’an listen to how these guys talk».

309. Lope Blanch, Juan M. Estudios sobre el español de Yucatán. Mexico: UNAM, 1987. 137 pp.

[L. B.] republishes eight essays about Yucatecan Spanish in this volume which have been previously published in different places: 1. «Fisonomía del español yucateco»; 2. «Sobre la influencia del maya en el español de Yucatán»; 3. «Sobre la influencia fonética maya en el español de Yucatán»; 4. «La interferencia lingüística: Un ejemplo del español yucateco»; 5. «Las consonantes oclusivas en el español yucateco»; 6. «Sobre glotalizaciones en el español de Yucatán»; 7. «Sobre los cortes glóticos del español yucateco»; 8. «De etimología Yucatanense». See preceding entries.

310. Suárez, Víctor Manuel. El español que se habla en Yucatán, apuntamientos filológicos. 2a. ed. corr. y aumentada. Mérida, Yucatán, México: Ediciones de la Univ. de Yucatán, 1979. 194 pp. maps.

This is a usefully updated edition of Suárez’s original 1945 volume which was based on Tomás Navarro’s Cuestionario hispanoamericano and Pedro Henríquez Ureña’s El español de Santo Domingo. Aspects studied are phonetics, semantics, syntax, and Mayan influence. Suárez notes that Yucatecan Spanish has undergone considerable change -most notably the diminution in the glottal stops and less frequent use of consonantes heridas among younger speakers- not surprising given the influence of mass media in this no longer remote part of Mexico. «Se extraña en la obra una bibliografía actualizada sobre el español de Yucatán». -Antonio Alcalá Alba in AnLet, 18 (1980), 366-69.

«Although this second edition of the 1945 book is announced as ‘corregida y aumentada’, and although the author admits in the prologue that movies, radio, television and many forasteros, principally from Mexico City, have modified the language in certain ways since the first edition, few changes are noted, and his original sources seem to be about the same. Like many dialectal treatises on the Latin American scene, this study emanates from the Cuestionario lingüístico of Tomás Navarro, as far as approach is concerned. Maya influence on the Spanish of Yucatán is noted, even in phonology, and it is interesting to note certain usages that are to be found in other countries: saludes (Colombia); [diya] for día (Central America). -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44:4590 (1982).

311. Yager, Kent. «La -m bilabial en posición final absoluta en el español hablado en Mérida, Yucatán (México)», NRFH 37 (1989), 83-94.

[K. Y.] reviews the data of Lope Blanch and García Fajardo which indicate that the -m final

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(even before a total pause) is well diffused throughout all sex, age, and social levels of Yucatecan Spanish so as to preclude the sole influence of Maya. Looking at Mérida, Yager finds the bilabial -m most frequent (50%) in all three generations of women studied. This could represent conservation of a Mayan feature or be a regional innovation. Whatever the case, the -m final continues to gain popularity in Mérida.




XII. INTERLINGUAL INFLUENCE-INDIGENISMS AND ANGLICISMS


A. INDIGENISMS

312. Arana de Swadesh, Evangelina, «El español de México en la zonas de contacto», AnInd, 33 (1973), 245-51. Bibl. (Also appears in O Simpósio de São Paulo, Janeiro de 1969: Atas, Sao Paulo, Univ. de Sao Paulo, 1979, 133-39)

In this article, the necessity of linguistic research in cross-cultural areas is stressed. It contains very general observations of limited use about the Spanish spoken in Mexico in areas of large Indian population. Also looks at the influence of English on the Spanish of Northern Mexico.

313. Cassano, Paul V. «Mexican Spanish Final /-s/ in relation to Aztec Influence», SIL, 25 (1975), 55-61.

«Discussion of various theories on reasons for ‘strength’ of Mexican final /s/. Points out that such an /s/ exists elsewhere, so that if Aztec has had any effect on this feature of Mexican Spanish, it was perhaps reinforcement rather than influence. Refers to article by Juan Lope Blanch «La Influencia del Sustrato en la Fonética del Español de México», in Revista de Filología Española (1967, pp. 145-61)». -As annot by Canfield in HLAS 40:6030 (1978). See entry 299.

314. Cassano, Paul V. «Substratum Hypothesis Concerning the Spanish of Mexico», RomN 12 (1970-71), 470-71.

[P. C.] examines Bertil Malmberg’s substratum hypothesis concerning the substitution of the multiple vibrant /r/ for the simple /r/ in the syllable and word-final position and concludes that since Nahuatl did not have multiple /r/ of any kind that the Nahuatl origin of the transformation of syllable-final /r/ > /r/ does not seem likely. (See Malmberg’s Estudios de fonética hispánica, trans. by R. Palavecino, Madrid, 1965, 79-83 and 123-24.

315. Champion, James. «Nahuatlisms in Mexican Spanish and Classical Noun Morphology», in Romanitas: Studies in Romance Linguistics, IV, Ernst Pulgram, ed., Ann Arbor, Mich., Univ. of Mich., 1984, 35-47. (An earlier version of this study was read at the Spanish Linguistics Section of the Third Conference on Hispanic Languages and Literatures, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, February, 1982).

Basing himself on the [L. B.] corpus of indigenisms in the Spanish of Mexico City [J. C.] studies Classical Nahuatl noun morphology and concludes that «the majority of the most widely used indigenisms in the Spanish of Mexico City are derived from the absolutive singular forms of Classical Nahuatl, and have followed fairly regular patterns of change as they were adapted to the Spanish sound system». (p. 43). Contains a glossary of words of Indian origin in English alphabetical order.

316. Champion, James. «Nahuatl Borrowings and Spanish Phonology: Vowels», RomN, 26:1 (1985), 74-78.

[J. C.] notes that Classical Nahuatl like Classical Latin had a vowel system in which vowel length was distinctive and, except for the lack of a phoneme /u/ was quite like Latin. Just as one finds minimal pairs os ‘mouth’ vs. os ‘bone’ in Latin; Nahuatl displayed achtli ‘seed’ vs. achtli ‘brother’, xihuitl ‘year’ vs. xihuitl ‘comet’; metzli ‘thigh’ vs. metzli ‘moon’; quitoca ‘he follows’ vs. quitoca ‘he buries him’. Might not Nahuatl words have undergone changes on being borrowed into Spanish which parallel the change from Latin to Spanish? José Ignacio Dávila Garibi, the Nahuatl scholar thought so: just as CL long i was preserved (a) amicu > amigo, ficu > higo,and CL short i > e (b) cibu > cebo; fibru > hebra Nahuatl (a) tzictli > chicle, chilli > chile and (b) izquitl > esquite, mizquitl > mesquite, or so it would seem. [J. C.] points out that the examples in Nahuatl (b) were tonic but became pretonic in Spanish. Spanish has a long history of borrowing pretonic i (as well as a) as c. Arabic miskin > mesquino, Lat. < Gk. apparagus > espárrago, etc. Conclusion: Dávila Garibi’s examples are cases of pretonic vowel change. The deciding factor is one of stress and not vowel length; the fact that Nahuatl had a vowel system in which length was distinctive was irrelevant to the rendering of borrowings from that language into Spanish.

317. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La influencia del

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sustrato en la fonética del español de México», RFE, 50 1967 (1970), 145-61. (Also summarized in ACIL-X. 4, 773-76).

«En este breve trabajo atenderé exclusivamente a la posible influencia de las lenguas indígenas sobre el español de la ciudad de México, esto es, sobre el habla común, general, de la capital. Claro está que la norma lingüística de la ciudad de México con sus seis millones de hablantes, es, con mucho, la principal del país». (p. 145).

318. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre la influencia del sustrato en la fonética del español de México», ACIL-X, 4, 773-76. (Est. esp. mex., 1972, 93-107; 1983, 97-111).

This is a summary of the material presented in the article in the preceding entry.

319. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «La influencia del sustrato en la gramática del español mexicano, «in Extremos de México: Homenaje a Don Daniel Cosío Villegas. México: El Colegio de México: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1971, 181-90. (Est esp. mex., 1972, 157-64; 1983, 161-68).

The well-known linguist of Mexico, formerly of Spain, attributes certain grammatical peculiarities of Mexican Spanish to the indigenous language, Nahuatl: the suffix -eco; an abundance of nominal forms in the diminutive; the use of the reflexive in certain verbs; the plianistic use of the possessives; and the simplification of the verb paradigm. Beyond this there are many lexical Mexicanisms. Professor Lope lists several adjectives in -eco which he derives from the Nahuatl -écatl. Most of these gentilicios. The diminutive forms he associates with the Nahuatl -tzin. He notes that there are more reflexives used in the Spanish of Mexico than may be the case in other parts of the Hispanic world, especially Spain, and then he goes into the possessive use of su + another possessive, perhaps de, and finally the matter of the simplification of the verb paradigm. The present reviewer would question the wisdom of attributing to Indian influence the grammatical tendencies that have been stated, because some of these usages, notably the diminutive, and the extensive use of the reflexive, have been found in other parts of Latin America where there is no Nahuatl spoken».-As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 36:3850 (1974).

320. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Sobre el origen del sufijo - eco, como designador de defectos», in Sprache und Geschichte: Festschrift für Harri Meier zum 65 Geburstag. E. Coseriu & W. D. Stempel, eds. München: Fink, 1971, 305-12. (Also found in Est. esp. mex., 1983, 169-76, as the last of the ten articles in that book, which should be read along with the preceding article of the book as a counterargument to five supposed instances of substratum influence, according to K. H. Kvavick in her review of Est. esp. mex. in RPh, 33 [1979-80], 194-201).

[L. B.] examines the 1950, Max Wagner article (NRFH, 4, 105-14) in which Wagner attempted to prove the Nahuatl origin of the ‘hispanoamericano’ suffix -eco as denoter of human defects. In the first place [L. B.] finds that the 22 words Wagner managed to collect to be of less probative value -especially since only 6 are documented for the fundamental zone of alleged Nahuatl influence- Mexico. And the ending -eco/-ueco is not as rare in Spain as Wagner would have us believe. Furthermore Wagner would have to explain how -eco, even if he can derive it from -tic would take on the specialized meaning to designate physical or moral weakness -that not being the original function. None of the original adjectives ending in -ic with meaning of negative human characteristics have come into Spanish. Of 24 other adjectives in -ic conserved in Mexican Spanish, 21 show the form in -tic. «Considero en conclusión, que las dificultades que presenta la hipótesis de que la relativamente alta frecuencia del sufijo -eco en Hispanoamérica sea simple resultado de la proliferación de un sufijo de origen hispánico, son mucho menores que las que inducen a negar su pretendido origen nahua». (Est. esp. mex., 1983, 175-76).

321. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Indigenismos americanos en la norma lingüística culta de México», in Estudios Filológicos y Lingüísticos, homenaje a Ángel Rosenblat en sus 70 años. Caracas: Instituto Pedagógico, 1974, 324-36. (Est. esp. prin. ciud., 1977, 257-69; and Inv. dial. mex., 1979, 147-60).

[L. B.] continues his task of describing Mexican speech. This time he makes a sociolinguistic survey of 24 informants representative of the educated urban norm of Mexico City. The total indigenisms are 86 words corresponding to 74 lexemes and represent only 1.9% of the vocabulary of the questionnaire. Most numerous are the Nahuatlisms (55) but those of most wide dispersion are the Antillisms. «A veces cuando están en concurrencia un término hispánico y otro nahua se ha producido o se está produciendo una

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especialización semántica (casos de pavo y guajote, gis y tiza, sandalia y huarache, goma y hule). Otras características resaltan en los comentarios del autor a las Estas ofrecidas». -As rev. by Francisco de B. Marcos-Álvarez in ZRP, 92, (1976), 617-28.

322. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Influencia de las lenguas amerindias en el español de México», LdeM, 2 (1975), 143-72.

323. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Léxico marítimo en México: indigenismos e hispanismos», in Actas del V Congreso Internacional de Estudios del Mediterráneo, Manuel Alvar, ed., Madrid, Dept. de Geogr. Lingüística, CSIC, 1977, 47-56. (Inv. dial. mex., 1979, 171-81).

[L. B.] utilizes 29 documents from the first 100 years of the Conquest and a 1968 study of the fishing and nautical lexicon of an old Mexican fishing village, Tlalcotalpan, Veracruz (Luis F. Lara Ramos, Investigaciones sobre el habla de Tlacotalpan, Veracruz, México, Univ. Iberoamericana, 1968). [L. B.] notes that the nautical vocabulary is basically that brought by the Spanish, but that the proportion of Amerindian words for fish (10%) is much higher than in other semantic domains.

324. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Un falso nahuatlismo», NRFH, 27 (1978), 296-98.

The bogus nahuatlismo which [L. B.] exorcizes from his Léxico indígena en el español de México, 1969, is the form -ate which is in appearance deceptively Aztec-looking and found frequently in Mexico with the meaning of pasta dulce or dulce en pasta. Alas, the form, [L. B.] tells us, goes back to the Peninsula to the Arcipreste de Hita, and to Aragonese from 1373. [L. B.] warns that: «Una vez más, la realidad prueba que es preciso ser muy cautos antes de imaginar explicaciones sustratísticas para hechos que pueden explicarse dentro del sistema interno de una lengua. Que las apariencias engañan...».

325. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Antillanismos en la Nueva España», AnLet, 19 (1981), 75-88, Bibl. (Based on a paper read at the IV Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas in Salamanca, Spain in August, 1971; but not published until 1982 in ACIH-IV, II, 147-56). (Also appears in Inv. dial. mex., 1979, 161-69).

[L. B.] continues the work of Paciencia Ontañón de Lope who studied antillanismos in the first fifty years of Colonial Mexico (1519-1569) (See AnLet, 17 (1979), 273-84; based on a paper presented at ALFAL-II in 1969). Here the study is extended to the first decade of the 17th century and 19 literary works and documents have been added. Results are much the same as the previous study. Out of a little more than 200 mexicanismos 70 are from the Antilles (One-third). [L. B.] notes that these antillanismos 1) are the Americanisms which appear with most frequency; 2) are fully incorporated into Spanish; and 3) have remained in contemporary Spanish to a much larger degree than other Americanisms.

«Investigator refers to Boyd-Bowman’s ‘Observaciones sobre el español hablado en México en el siglo XVI’, in Actas del III Congreso de Hispanistas (México: 1970), which lists 72 terms of Nahuatl origen extant at the time. Lope made a similar study of Caribbean Indian words that were already used in Mexico in the 16th century. Antillanismos turned out to be as many as the nahuatlismos. Not only that but they have proven to have unusual vitality, due undoubtedly to the fact they were the first indigenous designations learned by the Spaniards for the new and exotic things of the New World. Even in Quechua territory of the Andes, such things as ají, cacique, maíz, guayaba, mangle, pita, sabana, tabaco, and many other words are commonplace». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 48:4575 (1986).

326. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Nahuatlisms in Mexican Spanish», in Scientific and Humanistic Dimensions of Language: Festschrift for Robert Lado on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday on May 31, 1985. Kurt R. Jankowsky, ed., Amsterdam, Benjamins, 1985, 491-95.

[L. B.] defends himself against a charge made by Miguel León-Portilla in «Nahuatlismos en el castellano de España», LEA, 4 no. 2 (1982), 213-38, that «The conclusion which (Lope Blanch) reaches implies our maintaining that the indigenous lexical items in general or near general use in Mexico City can be reduced to a total of 160». (p. 216). Since [M. L. P.] notes that Tomás Oliver Buesa’s book has Nahuatl words not listed by Lope, himself, [L. B.] then proceeds to examine each one of these 14 Nahuatlism and 3 Mayan words. He finds that 11 of these of these words are completely unfamiliar to his 84 informants. Of the remaining 6, he admits that tameme and chincual should have been included in his Léxico indígena.

327. Lozano, Anthony G. «Aztec Traces in Modern Spanish», Hisp, 64 (1981), 410-17.

This study is more interesting for its style than

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as a serious linguistic work. The author begins with a rather impressionistic account of the rise of Aztec culture with trite observations: «Man had to subsist; he could not rest», and «this was the urban revolution». The article contains a brief sketch in which 41 Nahuatlisms are presented as they would occur in a typical domestic situation, which is a useful teaching device. While it may «stand to reason» that the Valley of Mexico would have retained many Nahuatl terms, it is not at all clear that Lozano has been careful in his selection of Nahuatlisms. (See James J. Champion’s «A Note on Lozano’s [sic] ‘Aztec Traces in Modern Spanish’», for some important corrections).

«An explanation of how the Nahuatl language became the lingua franca of Central Mexico and beyond, and a demonstration of how often the Mexican calls on this language background to express himself in Spanish». -Also annot. by Canfield in HLAS 44:4570 (1982).

328. Máynez Vidal, Pilar and Nidia Ojeda Apodo. «Supervivencia de vocablos nahuas en el léxico gastronómico de la ciudad de México», AnLet, 25 (1987), 157-99, bibl., tables.

329. Ontañón de Lope, Paciencia. «Observaciones sobre la génesis de algunos indigenismos americanos», AnLet, 17 (1979), 273-84. (Paper presented at ALFAL-II, 1969).

Author selects 10 works written during the first fifty years of Spanish Mexican Colonial rule to study the origins of some indigenous terms. Of the approximately 200 Americanisms she finds that one-third are antillanismos and the rest mexicanismos. The strength of antillanismos is demonstrated by the three most common ones maíz (210); canoa (187); and cacique (118). She notes that in many cases antillanismos such as canoa won out over the Nahuatl acatli or acalli or hispanic barca, barquilla. Only in two cases, jacal and chile, did Mexicanisms prevail where an Antillism had already taken root in Spanish. Mexicanisms survived in contexts for which an appropriate Hispanism or Antillism did not exist. Where good Hispanic equivalents existed, such as conejo and venado, toche and mazatl were quickly relegated to regionalisms or extinction.

330. Vinogradov, V. S. «O novom issledovanii indianizmov v ispanskom jazyke Meksiki», Filologicheskie Naukino. 3 (1972), 106-13.

Recent investigation of the indigenisms in the Spanish of Mexico City.

331. Zamora, Juan C. «Amerindian loanwords in general and local varieties of American Spanish», Word, 33 (1982), 159-71.




B. ENGLISH INFLUENCE

332. Lope Blanch, Juan M. «Anglicismos en la norma lingüística culta de México», Estudios dedicados a Demetrio Gazdaru: Románica, 5, La Plata, 1972, 191-200. (Est. esp. prin. ciud., 1977, 271-80 and Inv. dial. mex., 1979, 183-92).

«Utilizando el mismo cuestionario [norma lingüística culta] de 4.452 preguntas arrojó un total de 170 palabras correspondientes a 155 lexemas, lo que representa un 4% de anglicismos, sobre el total del léxico recogido; claro está, que estos anglicismos presentan una muy desigual fortuna». -A. Quilis in RFE, 61 (1981), 263-65.

333. Moya Jiménez, Virgilio. «Anglicismos en el lenguaje deportivo de Méjico», RCEI, 5 (1982), 103-12.






XIII. TOPONYMS AND ONOMASTICS

334. Ashley, Leonard R. N. «Mesticismo: The Onomastics of Cultures in Contact in Mexico and Mesoamerica», Names, 24 (1976), 180-209. (Part of this paper was read at the International Congress of Onomastic Science in Bern, Switz., August, 1973).

Beginning at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Mexico City, [L. A.] takes us on an onomastic tour de force of Mexico and Mesoamerica, discussing the names of Mexican towns and villas in light of the clash of language and culture. «Once again we have ample evidence of how the branch of the science of linguistics which concerns itself with man as a name-giving animal incorporates and illuminates the culture, the history, the folklore, the very nature of a people -or many peoples in contact». (p. 209).

335. Bradomín, José María. Toponimia de Oaxaca. 2ª ed. México: Imprenta Arana, 1980. 377 pp. bibl., index.

«Effort to give ‘real’ meaning of nahuatl place names in Oaxaca state, or terms’ etymological authenticity ‘adulterated’ with time. Chief source of definitions is Fray Alonso de Molina’s famous Vocabulario en lengua mexicana (1555). Oaxaca itself is nahuatl, in spite of the fact that language was never natively spoken there». -As annot. by Canfield in HLAS 46:4563 (1984).

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336. Buentello Chapa, Humberto. Toponimias de Nuevo León. Cuaderno del Archivo, 12. Monterrey, N. L: Archivo General del Estado de Nuevo León, 1987. 80 pp.

337. Castañeda, Leonardo Manrique. «La escritura tradicional de los topónimos mexicanos de origen náhuatl», ACIEA-II (1986), 253-57.

«Consideraciones generales sobre los problemas de fonética y grafía, sobre las diversas grafías del español del siglo XVI y sus valores fónicos y el sistema fónico nahua y algunas transcripciones que de los topónimos nahuas hicieron los españoles». -As rev. by José Joaquín Montes Giraldo in Thes, 42 (1987), p. 759.

338. Corzo Espinosa, César. Toponimia chiapaneca. Colección Chiapas, Editorial del gobierno del estado de Chiapas, México, 1976.

339. Gold, David L. «Spanish Noun-Adjectives Derived from Mexican Toponyms», LS, 21 (1978), 78 pp.

340. Guzmán Betancourt, Ignacio. Coordinador. De toponimia y topónimos: Contribuciones al estudio de nombres de lugar. Colección Divulgación; Serie Lingüística; México, D. F.: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 1987. 215 pp.

341. León-Portilla, Miguel. Indian Place Names of Baja California Sur. Los Angeles, Southwest Museum Leaflets, no. 38, 1977.

342. León-Portilla, Miguel. «Toponimia náhuatl, morfología, sintaxis y representaciones glíficas», Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl. vol. 15. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, UNAM, 1981.

343. León-Portilla, Miguel. «La multilingüe toponimia de México: Sus estratos milenarios», in ALVAR-I, 1983, 347-59.

[M. León-Portilla] classifies the different stages of Mexican place-name development: the 2nd and 3rd millennia B. C. with 100 different languages belonging to 7 major linguistic families; the Nahuatl substratum, at the time of Christ; the arrival of the Spaniards and the subsequent hispanization of many place-names; the independence of Mexico c. 1810; the present day. The Bibliography is disappointingly brief». -Douglas Gifford in YWMLS, 46 (1984), 421-22.

344. Morales, Cordero. Geonimia tlaxcalteca. Tlaxcala: Sociedad de Geografía, Historia, Estadística y Literatura de Tlaxcala, 1971, 2a. ed., 1973.

345. Tibón, Gutierre. Historia del nombre y de la fundación de México. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1975. 877 pp.

This volume is intended as a contribution to the celebration of the 650th anniversary of the foundation of Mexico City, which according to the Mendocine Codex, was founded in 1325. Divided into 12 chapters -third and fourth chapters examine seventy different versions of the name «México» noted in indigenous languages. As suggested by the title, this has a dual role in presenting the historical and mythical events that led to the establishment of the city as well as in studying the linguistic evidence related to the name itself, «...one realizes that onomatology need not be dull, that it can be vibrant, and a pulsating phenomenon synonymous with growth, with life itself».

-Louis Nesbit in Hisp, 59 (1976), 966-67.

«Tibón has written what seems to be the most extensive study ever made of a single name. The only comparable study is Roberto Levillier’s América la bien llamada (two large volumes, ed. Guillermo Kraft, Buenos Aires, 1948), but the approach is considerably different... Fortunately for the reader who is interested in a single name that may be only distinctly related to that of México, the extensive index will make the information quickly available». -Jack Autrey Dabbs in Names, 24 (1976), 309-17.

346. Tichy, Franz. «Politischer Umbruch im Spiegel der Ortsnamen im zentralmexikanischen Hochland», in Erlanger Ortsnamen-Kolloquium: Ortsnamen als Ausdruck von Kultur und HerrschaftHersg. von Rudolf Schützeichel in Verbindung mit Franz Tichy für das Zentralinstitut für Fränkische Landeskunde and Allgemeine Regionalforschung der Univ. Erlangen-Nürnberg. BNF, Neue Folge, Beiheft 18; Heidelberg: Winter, 1980, 139-49.







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