21
Giannozzo Manetti, Vita Socratis et Senecae, ed. A. De Petris (Florence, 1979). For Guzmán's relations with Manetti, and his travels and book-collecting, see Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite, I, pp. 435-41; J. N. H. Lawrance, 'Nuño de Guzmán and Early Spanish Humanism: Some Reconsiderations', Medium Ævum, 51 (1982), pp. 55-84 and idem, Tres opúsculos de Nuño de Guzmán y Giannozzo Manetti: un episodio del proto-humanismo español (Salamanca, 1989). The latter contains an edition of Manetti's Laudatio Agnetis Numantinae, and further discussion of Guzmán's antiquarianism.
22
Arévalo was particularly inflamed by Leonardo Bruni's description of Spain as a provincial outpost 'at the back of beyond' (in extremo mundi angulo: see footnote 17), to which he indignantly replied: 'Nonnulli bonarum artium ac rerum inexperti, quod "in angulo mundi" (ut aiunt) Hispania sita esse videatur, contendunt quod in angulo mundi (ut eorum verbis utar) ab orbis gloria aliena videatur' (Tate, Ensayos sobre la historiografía peninsular, p. 81).
23
Tate, Ensayos sobre la historiografía peninsular, pp. 74-122.
24
On the Italian travels of Palencia and their influence on his work see R. B. Tate, 'Political Allegory in Fifteenth-Century Spain: a Study of the Batalla campal de los perros contra los lobos by Alfonso de Palencia Journal of Hispanic Philology, I (1977), pp. 169-86; idem, 'The Civic Humanism of Alfonso de Palencia', Nottingham Renaissance and Medieval Studies, 23 (1979), pp. 25-44; and idem, 'El Tratado de la perfección del triunfo militar de Alfonso de Palencia (1459): la Villa de Discreción y la arquitectura humanista', in Essays on Narrative Fiction in the Iberian Peninsula in honour of Frank Pierce (Oxford, 1982), pp. 163-76.
25
R. B. Tate and A. Mundó, 'The Compendiolum of Alfonso de Palencia: a Humanist Treatise on the Geography of the Iberian Peninsula', Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 5 (1975), pp. 253-78; and R. B. Tate, 'The Lost Ten Books of Alfonso de Palencia's Antiquitates Hispaniae', in The Age of the Catholic Monarchs, 1474-1516: Literary Studies in Memory of Keith Whinnom, ed. A. D. Deyermond and I. Macpherson (Liverpool, 1989), pp. 193-6.
26
On the Gestarum Hispaniensium Decades and their humanist traits see R. B. Tate, 'Alfonso de Palencia y los preceptos de la historiografía', in Nebrija y la introducción del Renacimiento en España: Actas del la III Academia Literaria Renacentista (Salamanca, 1983), pp. 37-51. The epistles are now available in Alfonso de Palencia, Epístolas latinas, ed. R. B. Tate and R. Alemany (Barcelona, 1982).
27
In his Templum Domini (1464), Margarit referred to the Paralipomenon Hispanie Libri, then in their first stages, as 'tractatus rerum obliteratarum Hispanie', which shows he understood the derivation of Paralipomenon (the title of Chronicles I and II in the Vulgate) from the Septuagint's description of Chronicles as 'the kings of Judah omitted in Kings I and II'.
28
On the falsifications of Nanni's Commentaria super opera auctorum diversorum de antiquitatibus loquentium (Rome, 1498) see Tate, Ensayos sobre la historiografía peninsular, pp. 24-32.
29
Tate, Ensayos sobre la historiografía peninsular, pp. 123-82, and idem, Joan Margarit, cardenal i bisbe de Girona (Barcelona, 1976). The biography of Margarit in Vespasiano da Bisticci, Vite, I, 207-21, is interesting. On Jeroni Pau see the edition of his Obres by M. Villalonga, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1986).
30
J. Rubió i Balaguer, 'El Renacimiento en las letras catalanas', in Historia General de las literaturas hispánicas, III: Renacimiento y Barroco, ed. G. Díaz Plaja (Barcelona, 1953), pp. 730-84; idem, La cultura catalana del Renaixement a la Decadència (Barcelona, 1964), pp. 9-25. The term 'humanism' should not be applied to this classicizing movement: L. Badia, 'L' "Humanisme català": formació i crisi d'un concepte historiogràfic', in Actes del 5è Colloqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, Andorra, 1-6 d'octubre de 1979 (Montserrat, 1980), pp. 41-70.