See Ingrid Bahler, Alfonso Álvarez de Villasandino, poeta de petición (Madrid: Maizal, 1977).

Useful and concise information is provided by Blecua's notes and by J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976-78), II, pp. 370-85.

The exception is the Cid, used as a standard of knightly valour (32.123 and 48.556). The first of these occurrences is of particular interest, since it is the Queen who is compared with him: «Esta Reyna, aunque es muger, / es más quel Cit cavallero». Marcuello may here, I think, be hinting at the tradition of Isabel as a better warrior than her husband, a view that is openly stated in Juan de Flores's Crónica incompleta de los Reyes Católicos, written a few years before Marcuello's poem: see Michael Agnew, «Evangelista temporal: The Limits of Historiographical Discourse in Flores's Royal Chronicle», in Juan de Flores: Four Studies, ed. Joseph J. Gwara, PMHRS, 49 (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary, University of London, 2005), pp. 11-47, at p. 30). Such a hint would would not, given the dedication of his collection, be tactically astute, but it does seem to be present.

One mention includes an allusion to the famous frontier ballad: «Álora, la bien cercada» (48.252).

Four of the mentions of Teruel, and one of the Talavera ones, are in references to the composition or presentation of the poems.

Marcuello was not to know that in 1204 far worse indignities had been inflicted on the Cathedral by the Crusaders: «In St Sophia itself drunken soldiers could be seen tearing down the silken hangings and pulling the great silver iconostasis to pieces, while sacred books and icons were trampled under foot. While they drank merrily from the altar-vessels a prostitute set herself on the Patriarch's throne and began to sing a ribald French song» (Stephen Runciman, A History of the Crusades, III: The Kingdom of Acre and the Later Crusades (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2005; first publ. Cambridge: University Press, 1954), p. 123).

Michel Garcia's inventory, pp. 52-55, has fifty-nine, because he includes the schematic cross flanked by text on p. 18.

See John Harthan, Books of Hours and their Owners (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977) and Roger S. Wieck et al., Time Sanctified: The Book of Hours in Medieval Art and Life (New York: George Braziller; Baltimore: Walters Art Gallery, 1988).

The Painted Page: Italian Renaissance Book Illumination 1440-1550, ed. Jonathan Alexander (Munich: Prestel, 1994).

«Lectura y adaptación de las glosas del Marqués de Santillana a sus Proverbios en la Suma de virtuoso deseo», in Proceedings of the Eighth Colloquium, ed. Andrew M. Beresford & Alan Deyermond, PMHRS, 5 (London: Department of Hispanic Studies, Queen Mary and Westfield College), pp. 49-60, at p. 51. See also Beltrán, «El mapamundi de Brunetto Latini en la Suma de virtuoso deseo: presentación y edición», in Libros de viaje: Actas de las Jornadas sobre los libros de viaje en el mundo románico, celebrados en Murcia del 27 al 30 de noviembre de 1995, ed. Fernando Carmona Fernández & Antonia Martínez Pérez (Murcia: Universidad, 1996), pp. 31-71, and Beltrán & Marta Haro Cortés, «Miscelánea de castigos en un compendio histórico: la Suma de virtuoso deseo», Diablotexto, III (1996), 217-41. Each of these articles includes an edition of part of the text, but none of the illustrations is reproduced, and the full publication of this important manuscript is an urgent requirement.