Selecciona una palabra y presiona la tecla d para obtener su definición.

  —108→  

ArribaAbajoVII. Conclusion

Apart from what he takes from the index, Rojas borrows from three works: De Remediis, De Rebus familiaribus, and Bucolicum Carmen. The index served as a compendium of classical allusions and of moral philosophy in digested form. In using it Rojas seems to have been specially interested in Petrarch's views on adversity, love, and friendship.221 A considerable amount of Petrarch's Latin writing is itself borrowed from other authors, as Petrarch often acknowledges; this, of course, is no more plagiarism in the modern sense than is Rojas's borrowing from Petrarch, and it would make him even more attractive to Rojas as a source for learned references. Rojas's use of the index cannot tell us much about his reactions to Petrarch's general outlook; he borrows sententiae on subjects too disparate for us to gather any clear indications. Nor can the very small amount of borrowing from Bucolicum Carmen help us; in deed, Rojas's use of the work is rather surprising. It was, however, a fairly popular work in the fifteenth century, though the lack of Spanish imitations is noteworthy, and Rojas may have been well enough acquainted with its reputation to wish to read it when it became available in the 1496 Opera. Perhaps more surprising is his use of De Rebus familiaribus, which did not appeal strongly to medieval tastes, although here too there are Hispanic precedents for Rojas. It is in this collection that Petrarch gives the best indication of the breadth of his intellectual interests; it is considerably more modern in tone and outlook than, say, De Remediis. One might reasonably expect a writer who borrows from it at any length to share, to some degree, the author's interests, but this is not the case with Rojas. Of the seven definite borrowings from the text of De Rebus familiaribus, one is an exemplum, one is a denunciation of this world which would have been perfectly at home in De Remediis, two deal with the passage of time and its effects, two with the abuse of strength or power, and the last is a sententia on the offering of gifts. None is from those parts of the work which have made it especially interesting to modern critics of   —109→   Petrarch. One could naturally not expect Rojas to borrow, for example, passages on Petrarch's search for classical manuscripts, but had he been intensely interested in Petrarch as a humanist, his borrowings would probably convey something of the outlook which informs De Rebus familiaribus. As it is, he seems to use the work in much the same way as the index.

When we turn to De Remediis the contrast is striking. As Gilman says, 'the very extent of quotation and re-estimation of Petrarch reveals a constant concern with his portrayal of life'.222 It does so, however, in a different manner from that described by Gilman. An initial error is the consideration of De Remediis as if it expresses a unified doctrine;223 this fails to take account of the comparative success of Book I and the comparative failure of Book II, and Gilman's comments imply that Book II had the greater impact on Rojas. This does not seem to me to be the case. The central theme of Book I, the destruction of all earthly happiness, is reflected not only in the greater number of individual borrowings, but in the general outlook of La Celestina.224 Book II is not used by Rojas in this way: its tendency is less clear and less emphatic than that of Book I, but Rojas could have found in it, had he wished to do so, a basis for altering the outlook of La Celestina. He might, for example, have made Pleberio seek religious consolation in Act XXI. This would, after all, have been in accord with Petrarch's general plan in De Remediis, and the fact that Rojas did not follow this course is due to his individual outlook (reinforced by the lesser power and attractiveness of Book II), not to lack of Petrarchan precedent. At least one man thought Rojas should have followed this course: Jacques de Lavardin translated an Italian version of the work as La Celestine fidellement repurgee, et mise en meilleur forme.225 Lavardin introduces Ariston, Alisa's brother, who, when Pleberio exclaims (fol. 268v) 'Nul n'a perdu ce que ie pers', replies:

'Iusques à quand Seigneur Plebere, rempliras to le ciel de tes hauts cris? Quand finiras to cette impatience? ...Cesse desormais, cesse tes vains regrets, essuie tes larmes inutiles...'


He is so far successful in restoring Pleberio to what Lavardin   —110→   considered a proper frame of mind that the bereaved father exclaims:

'Tu m'as rendu la vie, tu as chassé les espesses tenebres dont la precedente douleur tenoit mon esprit offusqué'.


It is thus not altogether fanciful to suggest that Rojas, had he wished to do so, could have done the same thing more skilfully. His indebtedness to Book II of De Remediis consists, then, of what he took from its Preface, and of individual borrowings of the same type as those drawn from De Rebus familiaribus: this Book is merely a source for traditional sententiae. Even were Gilman right in believing that it has a greater effect on La Celestina than Book I, his interpretation would still, I think, be mistaken. Most of the dialogues in this Book are concerned not with the terrors of the universe (fire, earthquake, distance, &c.), but with evil servants, an unchaste wife, loss of children, loss of wealth -in short, the disasters which come to man through man. And the fundamental innovation of De Remediis is not 'acute sentimental awareness' but the stress on the dangers of good fortune. Joy, Fear, and the others are not acutely aware of the external world in any novel way; they are the traditional passions which are exclusively concerned with external and transitory goods and ills. If they dominate, man is obsessed by and ultimately overwhelmed by the transitory, losing both self-control (the Stoic objection) and salvation (the Christian objection). One of the transitory ills is universal conflict, but the real external danger is moral, not physical: philosophers have never maintained that physical danger can be avoided by a correct attitude. The other alleged Petrarchan innovation of 'anguished internal creation of time and space'226 is not easy to find in De Remediis. Gilman concedes that the elements which he and Dilthey find in the work are not apparent except in the light of later literature; but the basic question is whether they are there at all, and I do not think they are.

Petrarch is thus used by Rojas in three ways: he takes over specifically Petrarchan views on life (which come almost entirely from Book I of De Remediis and the Preface to Book II), general proverbial morality or moral philosophy, and a stock of classical allusions. In the second and third categories Petrarch is often transmitting material from earlier writers.227 The second way of using   —111→   Petrarch helps to explain Celestina's large share of the borrowings: if Rojas saw Petrarch primarily as a humanist, Celestina would be an unsuitable medium, but she is admirably suited to the function of conveying proverbial moral philosophy to further her own ends. It is, however, the first category (the taking over of specifically Petrarchan views) which has the greatest effect on La Celestina. Rojas, it is clear, drew heavily on Petrarch for the outlook of his work. Petrarchan warnings are given by the characters to each other, are overlooked, and come true with disastrous consequences. Pleberio, at the beginning of Act XVI, tells Alisa that they must prepare for death and set their affairs and their daughter's in order before it is too late; but, as we know, it is already too late (the point is emphasized by Melibea later in the act), and disaster has already trapped Pleberio.228 In Act IV Celestina gives to Melibea a warning on the unexpectedness of death ('Ninguno es tan viejo...', i. 170; 88), yet both bring violent death on themselves soon afterwards. Celestina's description of love in Act X ('Es un fuego escondido...') is, as has already been noted, an antithetical list involving the extremes of pain and pleasure.229 Melibea takes notice only of the pleasurable elements, realizing too late (in Act XIX) the pain involved. Celestina's denunciation of wealth in Act IV, with her vivid picture of its evil effects, is borne out in Act XII, where her possession of wealth, allied to avarice, leads to her murder.230 Love and avarice are shown in the whole development of Rojas's work, and not merely in sententiae, to be strong passions which are fatal in their effects.231 In a passage in Act VI   —112→   (i. 226-7; 126), which is not Petrarchan in origin, Calisto uses the 'outdoing formula' to praise Melibea: her beauty exceeds that of Helen, Polixena, and the three goddesses who strove for the apple. In all these cases, beauty brings disaster, so that the parallel with Melibea is closer than Calisto realizes: in addition to the idea of beauty which his words ostensibly evoke, there is (at least for readers familiar with classical allusions) a less clearly defined idea of impending doom. It is hard to say how far Rojas intended this implication (or that in the Hadrian exemplum -see p. 40- where Calisto is compared to the emperor who composed verses when his death was imminent), but with some of the Petrarchan warnings cited above, the juxtaposition in the plot of warning and consequence is so clear that its use cannot seem other than deliberate. In this connexion it is worth noting that in Book I of De Remediis Petrarch devotes twenty-one dialogues to pointing out the dangers and miseries of wealth and avarice, and fifteen to those of sexual love (including the begetting of children). Apart from the dangers of power and fame (twenty-eight dialogues -they represent Petrarch's strongest personal temptation, but have comparatively little relevance for Rojas), these are the longest sections of the work. Petrarch here takes up a fundamental Stoic theme, giving it powerful expression in De Remediis i, and Rojas takes it from Petrarch. Also exercising a powerful attraction for Rojas is the theme of life as universal conflict, based on part of Heraclitus's teaching and developed in the Preface to De Remediis ii.232 Heraclitus's underlying idea of conflict as the basis of universal harmony is glossed over in Petrarch's Preface, where conflict is presented almost as an ultimate reality which is one of the dangers to be overcome. It is this version of Heraclitus which is taken over by Rojas, who seems to have known the Greek author only through Petrarch. It is hazardous, however, to associate this aspect of the Prólogo with the correct observation that the texture of La Celestina is largely one of strife, and to conclude as Gilman does that strife of a special kind becomes the theme of the work.

  —113→  

It becomes necessary at this point to deal with the interpretation of La Celestina's theme which is given by Gilman. He defines 'theme' as the sense of life implicit in an author's work, distinguishing it from 'theses', which are 'specific intentions, ideas, or lessons... consciously proposed'.233 We can accept this definition as a working basis, while remembering that the theme may be identical with one of the theses (a point to which Gilman does not give much attention). Having examined the theme, he sums it up as the conflict of man against the limitations of his condition, the two major antagonists being the universe, which limits and finally destroys life, and the sentiment of love, which gives life its full significance.234 The agents of man's destruction are, then, not his own passions but 'alien time and space'.235 This is, of course, an existentialist view; Gilman is careful to state that he is not 'attempting a rigorously fashionable interpretation',236 but the existentialist influence on his thought is both obvious and dangerous. I find myself in general disagreement with his statement of the theme,237 and shall try to illustrate my reasons by reference to two specific points.

The first concerns Petrarch's Preface to De Remediis ii and Rojas's Prólogo. The purpose of the Preface is to state in vivid form the problems to be solved in Book II: the difficulties and dangers of life, and how they should be met and overcome or reconciled (they can also be seen as conflicts in the light of Heraclitus's sententia). Petrarch does not solve the problems very well, for he lacks here the emotional force of Book I, but his statement of them, continuing the emotion of Book I, is vigorous. Rojas was emotionally affected by Petrarch's picture of strife, and quotes it   —114→   extensively, but it becomes a symptom, not a cause, of his pessimism -a reading of La Celestina shows that Rojas's pessimism goes far beyond conflict in any sense. Further, the aspect of strife emphasized by Gilman is not that emphasized by Petrarch or Rojas. Three sections of strife can be distinguished in the Preface: inanimate objects against man (but not 'alien space and time'); living creatures against each other, culminating in man; and the passions against man. It is the last two which are the most important for Petrarch and Rojas, with the greatest emphasis falling on the passions, whereas Gilman chooses his two adversaries and then applies the statement of conflict to them.

The second point is concerned with the deaths of the characters, said by Gilman to lack significance, to be mere casualties.238 Pleberio's lament is said to show concern not with death as such, but only with its effect on the living.239 But the only significance which is lost is religious significance: death is seen as a final disaster, not as a transition to another life as it was for Petrarch. The lament thug underlines Rojas's pessimism; it does not show Melibea as a casualty in alien time and space. Again, Gilman says that Rojas 'has reduced Fortune from an allegorical personage to its temporal and spatial media of operation':240 he mistakes the external mechanism for the motivating force, the distance which Melibea falls for the emotions which impel her to jump. Similarly with Calisto's death: we are told that this is 'naked chance stripped of all moral purpose'.241 Now, Rojas gives us two versions of Calisto's death. In the Comedia he has just seduced Melibea; his passion and his triumph disturb him so profoundly that he cannot be bothered to look where he is going; he falls and is killed. In the Tragicomedia there is a direct chain of causation leading from Calisto's successful employment of Celestina to his death;242 the rejection of violent revenge as a cause does not mean that the death is artistically an accident, but that once Calisto has set the events in motion his death cannot be avoided, even though Centurio and Traso think it   —115→   can. The question of Celestina's death has already received some attention, and there is no need to deal with it here, except perhaps to ask in what sense it can be considered as 'a comic death'.243 Summing up, it must be said that Gilman's emphasis on concrete hazards leads him to undervalue Rojas's view of faults of character (i. e. surrender to the passions) as the cause of disaster. If this aspect of Rojas's outlook is ignored, much of the work becomes meaningless.

Rojas does not stress the idea of Fortune, and pays virtually no attention to the allegorical figure of Fortune; he is interested in real people and the working out of their fates. In his ejection of Fortune from the centre of the stage, though not in his realistic approach, he has the precedent of De Remediis to support him. Petrarch explains in Rerum senilium, viii. 3, that he does not believe in Fortune, but gave his work that title so that people would read it. Fortune is for him a mere series of external events, with no real power over men unless they subject themselves to it by a wrong attitude to life. The avoidance of this danger is, of course, much less easy than its recognition, and De Remediis ii is not really a success, partly because Petrarch's temperament was more attracted to the theme of Book I (his urge to reject the world is seen again in De Vita solitaria), and partly because (as Gilman points out) he does not satisfactorily blend the Stoic and Christian solutions.

Though Petrarch exerts a powerful influence on La Celestina, to such an extent that most of the work can be called Petrarchan,244 it would be wrong to regard it as simply a faithful reproduction of his views. The difference between the two writers is apparent if we examine the borrowings about death. These are not as numerous as, say, those about love, but there are enough to form a basis for judgement. Some are only incidentally concerned with death: the exempla of Adelecta, Alcibiades, and Socrates relate to the gift of prophecy or foreknowledge, that of Hadrian to poetic ability, and   —116→   those of unnatural murderers to family obligations (Melibea is thinking of the pain her death will cause her parents). Among the rest, two types may be distinguished: those which deal with death as a future, and those which deal with it as a past, event. The first type is represented by four sententiae: Pleberio's warning to Alisa and Celestina's warning to Melibea, referred to above, Celestina's admission that life leads only to death ('Pero bien sé que sobí para decender...', ii. 44; 175-6), and her warning to Melibea that wealth often brings death ('A muchos traxo la muerte...', i. 168; 87). These reflect the orthodox Petrarchan attitude that death may come at any time, and men should therefore prepare for it. They do not draw the further Petrarchan conclusion that men should look to the next world rather than to this; on the contrary, two of them are used by Celestina in her attempts to lure Melibea into sensual love. But there is no actual contradiction of what Petrarch says. It is only when we turn to the second type that we find such a contradiction. This type is represented by one sententia and the exempla of Aemilius Paulus, Pericles, Xenophon, Anaxagoras, David, and Lambas de Auria. The sententia is uttered by Calisto when he has been told of his servants' deaths, but it is hardly connected with them; in meaning, it looks towards death as a future event, and thus really belongs to the first type.245 Pleberio uses all the exempla in Act XXI; all of them are exempla of paternal fortitude, of fathers finding an element of consolation in the death of sons. Pleberio quotes them only in order to reject the consolation which they offer. He begins by saying

Yo fui lastimado sin hauer ygual compañero de semejante dolor, avnque más en mi fatigada memoria rebueluo presentes e passados. Que si aquella seueridad e paciencia de Paulo Emilio me viniere a consolar...


(ii. 205-6; 297)                


and says later

Que quanto más busco consuelos, menos razón fallo para me consolar.


(ii. 207; 298)                


There are several other similar sentences. In this case Rojas makes Pleberio deliberately reject Petrarchan doctrine in favour of profound pessimism. This is not simply a question of omission, but of reversal, and there can be little doubt as to Rojas's intention:   —117→   Petrarch, though he provides a pessimistic view of this world, does not go far enough, and a radical departure from his outlook is needed when the final disaster has occurred. This is a considerable aesthetic advantage: we have the sense of Pleberio's ways of escape (the Stoic consolations offered by Petrarch) being closed up, so that he is forced back on the despair which informs the last lines of La Celestina. The closing of ways of escape occurs also in Act IV (see pp. 81-82), where Celestina wants to induce despair in Melibea so that her emotional defences will be broken down. She uses Petrarchan sententiae as weapons, and her technique resembles that of Reason in De Remediis i (Pleberio's speech does not), though the ends for which the technique is used are incompatible with Petrarch's ends. This is one more example of how Rojas can use Petrarch, with striking originality, for his own purposes. There is a notable difference between the situations in Acts IV and XXI. In the former, escape from pessimism is denied to Melibea only as a means to an end; in the latter, the pessimism and despair are final: they are the point to which Rojas's whole work has been moving. In this speech by Pleberio, the Stoic attitude to death is explicitly rejected, while the Christian attitude is not considered at all.246 It would, indeed, be difficult to discover from Rojas's borrowings that Petrarch was a Christian, just as it would be difficult to discover that he was a humanist.

A parallel to Rojas's treatment of death is to be found in his treatment of friendship. For Petrarch it was a basis for confidence and a good life; it was one of the few things he really valued, and this is made clear in his letters. Rojas borrows seven sententiae on friendship, using them in two groups. The first (i. 234-5; 132) is used by Celestina to persuade Pármeno to trust Sempronio and thus help her in her plans; she is successful, and Pármeno spends that night with Areusa, thereafter being completely under Sempronio's control until the fatal outbreak in Act XII. The second group   —118→   is used by Sempronio (ii. 12-16; 155-8) when Pármeno returns from Areusa's house, and it emphasizes the closeness of the new relationship between the servants. All seven sententiae are favour able to friendship, and all are effective in strengthening it (though Petrarch would scarcely have approved the particular grounds of self-interest on which the friendship is based). However, the ultimate result is disaster for all concerned: Celestina, by binding Pármeno to Sempronio and undermining his loyalty and honesty, converts him into a desperate ruffian who turns on her even more violently than Sempronio. The two servants, now linked by friendship, share their crime and their execution. Thus friendship is placed by Rojas on the same footing as passionate love or avarice: it leads straight to disaster. Something which for Petrarch is a safe refuge becomes for Rojas another pitfall, and the result is an even deeper pessimism.

It is only fair to say that the view of La Celestina as an essentially pessimistic work is far from universal, and a number of rival interpretations have been advanced. A recent one is that Rojas aimed at a document of social protest on behalf of the persecuted conversos.247 The difficulty here is not any doubt as to whether Rojas was aware of this problem, but a feeling that any document of social protest whose point is not grasped until 450 years later must have been incompetently written. None of the commentators says anything to suggest that this was what Rojas had in mind; none of the incipit-writers appears to have any suspicion of it; yet a social protest, unlike a private cry of despair, must aim to communicate. Rachel Frank's view of Rojas as an egalitarian is, apart from its other flaws,248 open to the same objection, though in a modified form. Another interpretation has been advanced by such distinguished scholars as Marcel Bataillon and the late Inez Macdonald.249 It is that the incipit is right when it says that La Celestina was 'compuesta en reprehensión de los locos enamorados' (i. 26; 18), and that it is in fact a warning to heedless youth against one especial peril. It is certainly true that Rojas sees love as disastrous   —119→   in its effects, but this is only part of the picture. It is avarice which destroys Sempronio; avarice and a love of psychological power over others which destroy Celestina; avarice, love, and friendship which destroy Pármeno; and it could be argued that Pleberio's final state of despair, worse than any death, is due to his false sense of material security as well as to his daughter's love. Further, if we confine Rojas to this single moral purpose, we are tempted to assume that he saw a remedy, probably a religious one, for this failing of youth, whereas the whole tenor of the work implies that the passions cannot be resisted for ever. Rojas draws on moralizing works (his attitude partially coincides with Petrarch's in the dialogue De gratis amoribus of De Remediis i), and is himself, in a sense, a moralist; but his moral is not a comforting one.

His intense pessimism may be partly due to the period in which he wrote: Huizinga, among others, has commented on the pessimistic and morbid atmosphere which prevailed at the end of the fifteenth century. It also seems likely that Rojas's background as a converso had its effect. There is, unfortunately, no full study of conversos in this period, and until one appears we are compelled to work to some extent in the dark.250 It is, however, reasonable to suppose that a member of a suspect and sometimes persecuted minority would be more than usually inclined towards pessimism, and we know that Rojas personally experienced at least one case of discrimination.251 He seems, from what we know of his later life, to   —120→   have become at least a conforming and probably a devout Christian; certainly there is no reason to believe that he was ever a secret Judaizer; but it would hardly be surprising if such a reconciliation to Christianity, in a sensitive man cut off from the religion of his ancestors, were effected only at the cost of great suffering, and after a period in which neither the old religion nor the new had any success as a defence against profound pessimism. It would not be surprising if that suffering and pessimism left its mark on anything such a man wrote. This is not susceptible of proof, but it is consistent with the known biographical facts and with the out look of La Celestina,252 and it is more readily defensible than Cejador's assertion that Melibea's suicide could only occur in a work of Jewish origin.253 Judaism would not induce pessimism, but a forced transition from Judaism to Christianity, combined with persecution even of those who had made the transition, might very well do so, and might well account for that absence of religious feeling which has been noted in La Celestina by critics from Menéndez y Pelayo to Gilman.

It is difficult to believe that an author so deeply influenced by Petrarch, and who adapts Petrarch to his own purposes with such skill, had only a superficial knowledge of him. Menéndez y Pelayo's assertion of Rojas's pedantry cannot be sustained; nor can the suspicion, perhaps natural in view of Rojas's heavy borrowings from the index, that his knowledge of the text of Petrarch was scanty. The impression made on him by De Remediis has already   —121→   been discussed at some length, and could have come only from careful, and probably repeated, reading of the text. Again, without such reading, Rojas would have been unable to link together sententiae from widely separated parts of the text in the way that he does. He obviously read De Rebus familiaribus and at least part of Bucolicum Carmen. His particular choice of works on which to draw is unprecedented in peninsular literature of the fifteenth century, though it was made much easier for him by publication of the 1496 Opera. The number of works on which he draws is unusual, though both Metge and Santillana were acquainted with at least as wide a range, and Metge uses, in one way or another, De Remediis, Africa, Griseldis, and the Secretum, and perhaps De Rebus familiaribus.254 If we allow for the century which elapsed between Metge and Rojas, and for Rojas's easier access to the texts, Metge's position as a Petrarchist must seem the more impressive. It is not, then, on extent of knowledge that any claim for Rojas as an innovator could be based. As to the degree to which one work of Petrarch's is absorbed, the anonymous author of the Boosco deleitoso transmitted the lesson of De Vita solitaria with exemplary fidelity,255 and the outlook of De Remediis was no stranger to fifteenth-century Catalan and Castilian writers. These writers share with Rojas the borrowing and incorporation of sententiae: Rojas is in this respect typically medieval. Where he does show his fundamental originality is in the use to which he puts his Petrarchan reading. He was able to assimilate it into both the dialogue and the outlook of La Celestina so that in only a few places (rather more in 1502 than in the Comedia) is the assimilation incomplete. Rojas absorbs Petrarch as an auctor, as a source of sententiae, and is profoundly influenced by De Remediis; yet he is driven by his own uncompromisingly tragic and despairing vision of life to transform Petrarch's message in a way that would have horrified its author, and that comes down to us with unmistakable sincerity and urgency. Intellectually, Rojas is of the Middle Ages; artistically and emotionally he is our contemporary.





  —122→  

ArribaAbajoAppendix I: Some Petrarchan and Pseudo-Petrarchan Manuscripts in Spanish and Portuguese Libraries

The purpose of this list is to illustrate the diffusion of MSS. of works by, or ascribed to, Petrarch before and during Rojas's lifetime, and thus to supplement the account of Petrarchan influence in Spain and Portugal given in Chapter I. I do not wish to imply that any of these MSS. is likely to have been consulted by Rojas; indeed, a careful examination of the Salamanca MS. of De Remediis (no. 16), which may have been at Salamanca when Rojas was a student there, reveals nothing which could shed any direct light on La Celestina. Nor do I make any claim for this as a complete catalogue: there are Petrarchan MSS: in Spain which I have not examined (see Chapter I), there are undoubtedly others whose existence remains unrecorded, and the aim of this list is literary rather than bibliographical. I have therefore, other considerations being equal, given more space to MSS. which are not described in any other work, and I have described non-Petrarchan items in the MSS. only in so far as they are of interest for this study. I have, however, tried to give any details which will interest anyone concerned with Petrarch in Spain, and in any case to give enough information to make easy the location and identification of these MSS.


I. Liber augustalis (Latin)

In a volume of miscellaneous papers, without numeration. Augustalis in XV c. Gothic script. 265·X 18·75 cm. Occupies 18 fols. in single column. Contents:

  • Incipit liber marbodi... de lapidibus preciosis.
  • Confectio lapidum preciosorum.
  • Incipit passio sancti ac beatissimi [illegible]
  • Augustalis [see below]
  • In civitate Romanorum sunt quinque Ecclesiae...


Augustalis: the illuminated initial at the beginning of the work has been cut out, and the consequent mutilation makes certainty impossible, but it appears to begin

Liber Augustalis. Editus [illegible] Franciscum petrarcam florentinum... [fol. 18] ... feliciter Libellus. qui dicitur Augustalis Continens subcompendio   —123→   breve descriptionem omnium Augustorum a primo Cesare usque ad ultimum Ad illustrem Nicholaum Marchionem Estensem Kalendis Januarii Intrante.



The text is an accurate one. This work is not by Petrarch, though included in early editions of his Opera. These, however, normally give, the name of the real author, Benvenuto da Imola, which this MS. does not do.

Biblioteca National, Madrid: 12706 (formerly Ff-110).




2. Bucolicum Carmen (Latin)

XIV c.?; Gothic script. 20·5 x 15·25 cm. 37 fols., numbered 2-38, with title-pages added later. Single column. Red initials. Very bad condition.

First title-page: Francisci Petrarchae Eclogae XII Accedit Colutii Pierii Poetae laureati Eclogae Iae cui titulus Diletta Cariste Fragmentum.

Second title-page: De Collutio, vel Colutio Pierio cujus Eclogae fragmentum hic extat Vide sis Gesneri Bibliothecae Epitomen per Joan. Jacob. Frisium Verbo Collutius.

fol. 2: Istius egloga, que prima est in ordine, titulus est parthenias quod interpretatur. ...Titulus libri. Francisci Petracci poete laureati bucolicorum liber incipit. Monice tranquillo solus tibi conditus antro...

fol. 36v: I nunc: in rebus spem certam pone secundis. Francisci Petracci poete laureati Liber explicit.



Fols. 37 and 38 have apparently been transposed and wrongly numbered, since fol. 38, which is gummed to a leaf of binder's paper, begins

Huius egloge domini Colucii pierii poete laureati que prima est in ordine Titulus est dilectam cariste...



After laureati is inserted another line in the same hand:

in morte anno ab incarnatione domini Mº. ccccº viº, die



Colutius Pierius is Lino Coluccio Pierio Salutati (1331-1406), humanist and disciple of Petrarch. Each of the Petrarchan eclogues has an introductory paragraph of explanation, a feature also of a number of printed editions of the work, though the contents of these introductions vary considerably. In this MS. the poems have interlinear and marginal glosses and corrections in a roughly contemporary hand: for example, in Eclogue I antro is glossed monasterio, and pastorum is glossed poetarum; in II, aura is glossed levis ventus; in X, the names of the poets alluded to are given in the margin; reddit is corrected to reddidit, and a missing line is supplied in Eclogue III. The writing of the Salutati fragment and the Petrarch text is very similar, and may be identical. If it is identical,   —124→   the MS. must be early XV c. and not XIV c. as the Biblioteca Nacional card-catalogue says. The text of Petrarch's eclogues is an accurate one.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 3969 (formerly M-139, and before that M-128).




3. Epistolae Rerum senilium (Latin)

XV c.? Italic script. 26 x 16 cm. 335 fols., numbered I-V, 1-329, with one blank and unnumbered at end. Single column. Illuminated, though some spaces left for illumination have not been filled. A fly-leaf added later has, in XVI c.? hand

este libro sescriuio año 1imagen374. Consta de su ultima hoja

Fol. I is blank.

fol. II: Francisci petrace laureati. Rerum senilium liber primus incipit ad simonidem suum. Olim



This is followed by a list of letters in the volume, in red, blue, and black ink.

fol. 1: Francisci petrace laureati. Rerum senilium liber primus incipit ad simonidem suum. Olim Socrati meo scribens questus eram...

fol. 329: Valete amici. Valete epistole. Inter colles euganeos. VIº idus Junias MCCClxxiiij. [In a different hand:] Si plures postea epistolas scripserit nescitur. Sed mortuus fuit auctor pridie sequenti mense julii xxiij. die Rerv senilivm liber xvij explicit amen. In originali sequitur. Incipit xviij. posteritate de successibus studiorum suorum



This MS. and the next include Griseldis, which is often found separately in MSS. and printed editions (see, e. g., MS. 15). It seems clear from the final note (as well as the script) that this MS. does not date from 1374 (though the Biblioteca Nacional card-catalogue agrees with the note on the fly-leaf in accepting this date), but is a copy of a possibly much earlier one. The last sentence indicates either that this MS. is an abridgement of its source, or that it was copied from a defective source. The number of letters does not correspond to that in the printed editions. There are a few marginal notes.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 5779 (formerly Q-107)




4. Epistolae Rerum senilium (Latin)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 34 x 23·5 cm. Fols. numbered in pencil to 150, but nothing remains of fol. 1, and very little of fol. 2. Two columns. Red and blue initials.

Fol. 2 is marked in modern hand: Ex Epistola III.

Fol. 3 is headed in the same hand:

Epistolae Rerum Senilium: Francisci Petrarchae.



  —125→  

The first letter to survive in full in this MS. is letter 4 of Book I: Litteras pridem tuas..., which begins fol. 2v.

fol. 146: Valete amici. Valete epistole inter colles euganeos. vjº ydus Iunias Mº. cccº lxxiiijº Deo gratias Amen [then table of contents, not strictly accurate, beginning:] Ad Simonidem suum prohemium Olim socrati meo scribens...

fol. 148: imagenAd posteritatem de successibus studiorum suorum Franciscus posteritate Salutem. Vir facundissime iam plures effluxerunt...

fol- 150: Vale felix et mei memor Florencie die xiij. Julii Colucius



Some marginal notes (summaries of contents) in same hand as text. The text is a fairly accurate one, but diverges from that of the printed editions in the last letter. This letter is printed as a separate work in the 1496 Opera, but takes its correct place as Rerum senilium XVIII in later editions.

Library of Salamanca University: M 148. The inside of the front cover has a printed label:

Biblioteca de la Universidad de Salamanca.
Est. 2 Caj. 2 Núm. 13

The verso of a blank leaf at the front of the volume (added later) has, in XVII c.? hand, M. Mxñz De Forcada. Fol. 3 has a rubber-stamped Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, and an embossed Biblioteca Provincial y Universitaria de Salamanca. The MS. has been in the library since at least the mid-XIX c., for the 1855 catalogue lists it (erroneously) as

Petrarca, De variis rebus. (Un tomo en folio, sin foliar)

Griseldis: see MSS. 3, 4, and 15






5. De Institutione regia (Letra de reales costumbres) (Spanish)

Late XV c. or possibly early XVI c. Semigothic. In volume of miscellaneous items, possibly a florilegium. 20·5 x 14·5 cm. 175 fols., blank from 170v onwards, with some blank in body of MS. Single column. Some items, including Petrarch's letter, have red paragraph signs.

fol. 151: Letra de reales costumbres enbiada por francisco petrarca a mosen nicolas senescal de napoles priuado del rey de napoles. Egregio varon ya veo que al fin la fe vence infieldad et deslealtad, et la franqueza a avaritia et la humildad soberbia...

fol. 158: ...a dios acomiendo honor del rayno et vuestra. fecha en camino a veynte de febrero.



This is not a separate work, though it sometimes appears as such in MSS. It is letter 2 of Book XII of De Rebus familiaribus. In the early   —126→   printed editions, however, De Rebus familiaribus had only eight books, and this letter is printed as Epistolae Variae 31 in the Opera of Venice 1501 and subsequent XVI c. editions; it is not printed at all in the Basel 1496 Opera. It was translated into Catalan as well as Spanish (see p. 18 above). Mosen Nicolas was Niccolò Acciaiuoli. The letter was actually dated 20 February (1352?), Avignon. The en camino of this MS. seems to be a scribal error. The MS. was examined and exonerated in the XVII c.:

fol. 1: No parece estar Comprehendido enel expurgatorio No. viij del año de 1640 Fray Pedro de Caruaja Predicador General.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 8592 (formerly X-190).






6. Oratio ad Christum (Latin)

In a volume of miscellaneous religious items.

XIV c.; Semigothic script. 21 x 13·5 cm. Volume has 159 fols.; defective at end. Oratio is in single column on recto of fol. 48. Purple and silver decoration of some items, and marginal notes in some, but not in Oratio. Part of Oratio in red.

fol. 48: Oratio Francisci petrarche ad Christum. Salus mea Christe ihesu... [ends] deus meus misericordia mea. Qui viuis.



Archives of Valencia Cathedral: no. 270 (formerly CCLXXIII). See Elías Olmos y Canalda, Códices de la Catedral de Valencia (2ª ed., Valencia, 1943), 195-7




7. Psalmi poenitentiales (Latin)

In a volume of miscellaneous items.

XV c.; Semigothic script. 33·5 x 23 cm. Volume consists of 139 fols.; single column. Red and blue initials. Contents page inserted later at front has

Cod. 261. Francisci Petrarche Psalmi poenitentiales septem. S. Ioannis Climaci Contemplatio Scalae... Hic Codex fuit scriptus a Fr. Martino anno Domini 1400 ut constat infine Comendationis S. Ioannis Climaci Et fore a D. Laurentio.

fol. 1: Francisci patrarce de florentia laureati. psalmi mei vij.em quos super miseriis propriis ipenditaui[?]. Vtinam tam eficaciter ...Heu mihi misero. quia iratum adversum me constitui redemptorem meum. imagenlegem suam contumaciter neglexi...

fol. 3: Eripe me Ihesu Christe. et misericorditer sustenta me. ne corruam sub extremis. Gloria patri. etc: -Deo gratias. Amen:·imagen



The psalms are probably later in date than the rest of the MS., which is early XV c. Each psalm is headed, in a considerably later hand, Psalmus Ius, &c. This is not an accurate text.

  —127→  

Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon: Alcobacenses 387 (formerly CCLXI).

Fols. 2 and 3 are stamped with an oval containing arms and Livraria de Alcobaça. This MS. appears to have been copied in the Monastery of Alcobaça and remained there until it passed to the Biblioteca Nacional together with the bulk of the Monastery's MSS. It is described in Index Codicum Bibliothecae Alcobatiae (Olisipone, 1775), 114-15; and in A. F. de Ataíde e Melo, Inventário dos Códices Alcobacenses (Lisboa, 1930), 363-5.




8. Psalmi poenitentiales (Spanish)

In a volume of miscellaneous items.

XVI c.; Cursive script. 28 x 20 cm. 145 fols.; single column.

fol. 1: Inchiridion, o Manual de epitecto, philosopho, stoico con otras, con otras obrecicas, morales, de Vario argumento, compuestas por graues philosophos, medicos y theologos, antiguos, griegos, traducidas en nuestro Vulgar Castellano, Por vn [the translator's name is heavily crossed out, as it is wherever it occurs in the text] D. Theologo.imagen. De don pedro pimentel marques de viana. Tiene 145 folios.

fol. 1v: tabla de lo que se contiene en este Volumen

  • imagenEl inchiridion, o Manual, de Epitecto
  • imagenLa carta de Hippo. medico griego delarisa de democrito
  • imagenLibro dela verdadera noblesa de philon
  • imagenLibro de galeno en que Prueba queel gran medico a de ser gran philosopho
  • imagenEl dialogo de Platon del menosprecio de la muerte
  • imagenEl sermon de Basilio magno sobre esta thema, attende tibi mera porti
  • imagenLos psalmos Penitenciales elegantes y deuotos de francisco petrarcha poeta laureado
  • imagenel libro de la medida de la Cruz que hizo sant Anselmo arçobisbo sentuariense
  • imagenLas meditaciones del mesmo sant Anselmo
  • imagendos cartas del conde Iulio Pico de la mirandola a su sobrino Iulio Francisco pico
  • imagenUnas Reglas y condiciones del mesmo Conde de la mirandola
  • imagenEl consuelo de seneca A su madre
  • imagenUnas preguntas de los siete sabios de grecia

fol. 2: Carta del interprete al lector.

fol. 93: Los psalmos Penitenciales elegantes y deuotos de francisco petrarcha poeta laureado. Ay de mi miserable porque dize a mi redemptor yrado contra mi...

fol. 95: ...no caya en las postrimerias. gloria sea al padre y al hijo

fol. 95v: Psalmos confesionales de francisco petrarca laureado que se an de leer empero templadamente y con cautela.

fol. 97v: ...Deo gratias.



  —128→  

There are seven Penitential and nine Confessional Psalms. The latter are probably not the work of Petrarch, and do not appear in the early editions of the Opera. A text of them, with English translation, is given by Allan H. Gilbert, 'Petrarch's Confessional Psalms', Romanic Review, ii (1911), 429-43

The translation in this MS. is a good one. I cannot suggest any reason for the systematic suppression of the translator's name.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 7806 (formerly V-173). The history of the MS. between its preparation for the Marqués de Viana's library and its acquisition by the Biblioteca Nacional is unknown, except for the fact that it was offered for sale in 1720: the volume is stamped at the back with a seal, a Maltese cross, one illegible line, and

Sello quarto. Veinte maravedis. Año de mil setecientos y veinte.






9. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

1413; Semigothic script. 31·25 x 22·5 cm. 189 fols., the last being blank. Two columns. Blue, red, and yellow initials.

fol. 1 [has number II 15, crossed out]: Francisci petrarche poete laureati florentini de remediis utriusque fortune Liber primus incipit feliciter Cum res fortunasque hominum cogito...

fol. 93: O felix nisi to spes ista fefellerit: De Remediis utriusque fortune primus liber explicit Incipit secundus prefacio Ex omnibus que uel mihi lecta placuerint vel audita...

fol. 186v: M Insepultus abiciar. R Age res tuas, curam hanc linque viuentibus De remediis utriusque fortune liber secundus imagen ultimus explicit feliciter. Deo G R A T I A S anno domini 14º 13.

fol. 187: Incipit tabula super librum Francisci petrarche de remediis utriusque fortune liber primus... Explicit liber primus incipit liber secundus

fol. 188: De moriente qui metuit insepultus abici. ca. 131.



Marginal notes, comprising summaries of the text, and some corrections; these are usually, and perhaps always, by the original scribe. The text is a substantially accurate one, though there is a considerable number of minor variants. The MS. has not been expurgated.

Escorial: N. II. 5. Formerly belonged to the library of the Conde-Duque de Olivares, kept in his palace in Madrid. Its shelf-mark there was cax. 22 n. 12. The history of the MS. before its acquisition by Olivares is unknown, but details of his library are given by Guillermo Antolín, Catálogo de los códices latinos del Escorial, v (Madrid, 1923), 274. This MS. was probably acquired by the Escorial after the fire which damaged the library in 1671. It is described by Antolín in vol. iii of his Catálogo.



  —129→  
10. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

XV c.; Gothic script. 26·5 x 21·5 cm. 225 fols., the last being blank. Single column. Initials in red, with two illuminated.

fol. 1 [has Nº 19 and imagen16, both crossed out]: Incipit prologus Francisci petrarche de remediis prospere fortune. Cum res fortunasque hominum cogito... [at bottom of page, in XVII c. or XVIII c. hand] XIII De Gand et Villain XIII imagensans reprocheimagen

fol. 3v: Incipit primus titulus praesentis libri. De etate florida. Gaudium

fol. 104: S Spero vitam eternam R O felix nisi to spes ista fefellit. imagenDeo gracias. Explicit liber primus de remediis prospere fortune. Editus a laureato poeta Francisco petrarche. Anno domini. Mº. cccº. lxvjº. iiijº nonas octobris. Incipiunt tituli capitulorum libri primi De remediis prospere fortune

fol. 104v: De etate florida et spe vite longioris i



(List of contents, in two columns, continues to fol. 105v. Fol. 106 is blank).

fol. 107: Incipit prologus Francisci petrarche poete laureati de fortuna aduersa. Ex omnibus que michi lecta placuerint uel audita...

fol. 223v: imagen D Insepultus abiciar R Age res tuas. Curam hanc linque viuentibus 7 Deo gracias. Explicit liber secundus Francisci petrarche de remediis fortune aduerse Incipiunt tytuli capitulorum huius libri De deformitate corporis .i.

fol. 224v: De moriente qui metuit insepultus abici Cxxxj



Marginal notes, comprising summaries of text with occasional corrections, and some of the proper names cited in the text underlined in red. Dialogue 87 of Book I (De prospers navigatione) is omitted from the text (cf. MS. 14). The pagination at the beginning of the volume is faulty, fols. 3-6 being wrongly numbered. Apart from the omission of one dialogue this is a substantially accurate text, with rather fewer minor variants than the preceding MS. It has not been expurgated.

Escorial: N. III. 18. Its history is unknown. It is described by Antolín in vol. iii of his Catálogo.




11. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

1400; Semigothic script. 30 x 22 cm. 150 fols., numbered 1-151 (there is no fol. 149). Two columns. Red and blue initials, with one in gold. The parchment used for this MS. was in very bad condition: e. g. a piece was cut out of fol. 79 before it was used.

fol. 1 [has 22. II x and 21, both crossed out]: Francisci petrarche laureati poete de remediis utriusque fortune liber primus incipit. Cum res fortunasque hominum cogito...

  —130→  

fol. 65v: S Spero eternam vitam R O felix nisi spes ista fefellerit. De remediis utriusque fortune liber primus explicit. Incipit secundi. Ex omnibus que uel mihi lecta placuerint uel audita...

fol. 145v: M Insepultus abiciar R Age res tuas curam hanc linque uiuentibusimagen Explicit liber secundus de remediis utriusque fortune compositus a magistro seu domino Francischo petrarche laureato poeta quem scripsit quidam monachus populeti anno domini Mº ccccº in profecto sancti barnabe apostoli deo gratias

fol. 146: Incipit tabula super librum de remediis utriusque fortune

fol. 146v: Explicit liber primus incipit liber secundus

fol. 147v: De moriente qui metuit insepultus abici cxxxj imagen 299. Abici metuit insepultus moriens L. 2 c. 131.



The remainder of 147v and all of fols. 148, 150, and 151 are occupied by this index, which breaks off part of the way through the letter T. It is difficult to decide whether the remainder of the MS. has been lost, or whether the scribe wished to use up some spare parchment, though as the book and dialogue numbers are given only for fol. 147v, the second seems to be the stronger possibility. Marginal notes, comprising summaries and lines indicating the more important passages. This is a substantially accurate text, though with a number of minor variants. It has not been expurgated.

Escorial: O. II. 2. Formerly belonged to the library of the Conde Duque de Olivares (cf. MS. 9), where its shelf-mark (still legible on fol. 1) was cax. 22 n. II. It is described by Antolín in vol. iii of his Catálogo.




12. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

In a volume of miscellaneous papers, which includes two incunabula. De Remediis and most of MS. items in late XV c. Semigothic script. 22·55 x 15 cm. 90 fols. in single column, De Remediis occupying 41v to 90. Headings in red, with some decorated initials. In very bad condition, with numerous worm-holes, and the upper part of the leaves stained by water.

fol. 41v: Francisci petrarche de aduersa fortuna Remedia: -Rublica- [illegible] nomine predicti francisci petrarche: oratoris sane et poeti clarissimi: de aduersa et prospera fortuna: et in primus de aduersa -Autoritatis nostro operi inserere temptabo. Cui quidem petrarche talis procedendi in his est consuetudo: ut si de re qua piam dolens: remedium tibi respondendo afert: dolore ne nimio conficiaris: Si quidem gaudias: ut infra de prospere [fol. 42] fortune remediis. Itaque letitia ne nimia extollaris. Et prima in ordine aduerse fortune de deformitate corporis se offert. Rublica hoc modo imagen Egisse mecum nimis: illiberaliter naturam queror...

  —131→  

fol. 71: ...proinde quas res tangit hanc to enim turpitudinem non videbis: Et hec de Remediis aduerse fortune: sequuntur prospere eiusdem: -francisci petrarche. de prospera fortuna. Remediis. Rublica Gaudeo: Etas florida est...

fol. 90v: Spero amicum reuidere. Respondeo. Rem predulce speras: sed falacem. forsitam quem expectas. iam



This is the end of fol. 90, and the MS. breaks off here without any explicit. There are fairly frequent marginal notes summarizing the content, and corrections; the former appear to be by the original scribe, while the latter are in a more careful hand. Both occur also in the non-Petrarchan MS. items. These items include extracts from Diogenes Laertius and Valerius Maximus, and Petrarch is treated in the same summary fashion: this is far from being a text of De Remediis, despite the impression given by the Inventário dos Códices Alcobacenses. The work is compiled by extracting sentences (often only one sentence of Joy, Hope, Fear, or Sorrow, and one in reply by Reason) from a dialogue. Most dialogues, but not all, are represented. The sentences are not necessarily in the order in which Petrarch wrote them; nor are the dialogues; and Book II of De Remediis is made to precede Book I. The Prefaces to both Books are omitted, but another short Preface is supplied (see above). The MS. does not present a faithful version even of the extracts which have been selected.

Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon: Alcobacenses 71 (formerly CCLXV). This MS. may have originated in the Alcobaça scriptorium (cf. MS. 7), but it is impossible to be certain. It is described in Index Codicum..., p. 117 and in Inventário dos Códices Alcobacenses, pp. 66-67




13. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

XIV c. ? Gothic script. 31·75 x 24·5 cm. 164 fols. Two columns. Illuminated initial has been cut out of fol. 1.

fol. 1: Cum res fortunasque hominum... [i. e. beginning of Preface to Book I: there is no incipit]

fol. 77: Explicit liber primus domini francisci petrarce de Remediis utriusque fortune. Deo gratias. Sequitur libri secundi prefacio de lite

fol. 162v: Explicit liber secundus de Remediis utriusque fortune domini francisci petrarce florentini poete feliciter laureati. Deo gracias.

fol. 164v: Expliciunt Rubrice libri secundi de Remediis utriusque fortune domini francisci petrarce florentini poete feliciter laureati. Deo gracias.



This is an exceptionally accurate text. The second speech of Reason in Book I, Dialogue 122, has been deleted from the MS., with a marginal note, Aquí se ha de corregir.

Biblioteca National, Madrid: 3354 (formerly L-135).



  —132→  
14. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 29·5 x 21·75 cm. Single column. The MS. is incomplete, breaking off two-thirds of the way through ii. 68; the last fol. in the MS. as it now stands ends with the catchword potencius, implying at least the intention of continuing the work. There is a roughly written list of the missing dialogues at the beginning of the volume. There is thus no explicit to Book II; Book I ends

Francisci petrarce de remediis utriusque fortune primus liber explicit feliciter.



Dialogue 87 of Book I is omitted, and its title (De prospera navigatione) given to Dialogue 88, whose real title is De votiva portus apprehensione. The similarity of subjects clearly led a copyist into error here. The number of MSS. without i. 87 must have been fairly substantial: MSS. to and 16 omit it also, and 16 has in addition the mistake over titles. Apart from this, the present MS. presents a reasonably careful text, though rather less so than MS. 13. The second speech of Reason in i. 122 is deleted, as is one other sentence.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 9016 (formerly Aa-20).




15. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin), with Griseldis (Latin)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 29·5 x 22 cm. 243 fols. in present state of MS., but fol. 1 has ink numeration viij, and a section of text is missing from the beginning. Single column. Blue or red initials.

fol. 1 [in later hand]: Francisci Petrarche laureti Florentini De remediis utriusque fortune. lib. Primus. [first line of original text begins] sit non penetret modo sed subsistat. imagen Gaudium. promptum ac capabile ingenium est. imagen Ratio. hoc marcho catoni censorio...



The original text thus begins, in the extant portion of the MS., about one-third of the way through i. 7, De ingenio.

fol. 97: De remediis utriusque fortune liber primus explicit.

fol. 98: Incipit liber secundus de remediis vtriusque fortune Francisci petrarche laureati florentini.

fol. 225v: De remediis utriusque fortune liber secundus et vltimus Francisci patrarche laureati et merito explicit, deo gratias.

fol. 226: Incipiunt flores primi libri Francisci patrarche de remediis vtriusque fortune. [This is in two columns].

fol. 231v: Expliciunt flores primi libri. Flores secundi libri de remediis vtriusque fortune Francisci patrarche laureati incipiunt.

fol. 238v: Expliciunt flores secundi libri de remediis vtriusque fortune.

  —133→  

fol. 239: Istoria Griselde Franciscus patrarcha laureatus Johani bocacio laureato florentino. Librum tuum...

fol. 243v: ...audito ergo non tam [MS. breaks off here.]



There are presumably a number of leaves missing at the end of the volume as well as at the beginning. This is a fairly faithful text. It has not been expurgated.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 19358 (formerly Res. 4ª-5). M. Schiff, La Bibliothèque du Marquis de Santillane (Paris, 1905), 321, says that the old shelf-mark Res. 4ª-5 was that of an Italian translation of De Remediis (no. 17 of this list), but this is an error. Fol. 1 bears an embossed stamp reading Biblioteca Provincial de Segovia, but the history of the MS. before its acquisition by that Library, and the date and circumstances of its acquisition, are unknown.




16. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Latin)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 29 x 21 cm. 196 fols., plus 4 blank and unnumbered leaves at beginning and 3 at end. Single column. Red initials.

fol. 1: Incipiunt capitula primi libri franciscii petrarche de fortuna prospera -De etate florida...

fol. 3: Cum res fortunasque hominum eogito...

fol. 93v: O ffelix nisi to spes ista ffeffellit. Explicit liber franciscii petrarche de remediis prospere fortune.

fol. 94: Incipiunt capitula secundi libri scilicet de fortuna aduersa. -De deformitate corporis...

fol. 97: De deformitate corporis Dolor:-:- Deformem naturam me genuit...

fol. 189: M Insepultus abiciar R Age res tuas curam hanc linque viuentibus // . // -Deo gratias.:-



Verso of last blank and unnumbered leaf has


Finis adest operis meaedem peto laboris
franciscus pethrarcha
c xxiij imagen



The first and third lines of this are in red and in the same hand; the second line, in black, is in a different hand.

The text is not very accurate: there are a large number of minor variants; the Preface to Book II is omitted; and Dialogue 87 of Book I is omitted, and its title given to Dialogue 88 (cf. MSS. 10 and 14). The MS. has not been expurgated. There are marginal notes, chiefly summaries, up to fol. 84, but they are extremely rare after that. They are in a hand contemporary with that of the original copyist, and may be by him.

  —134→  

Salamanca University Library: 1302. This MS., originally belonging to Salamanca, was borrowed in the XVIII c. by the librarian of the Biblioteca Real, Madrid, and incorporated into that library, where it remained until recently. It was then returned to Salamanca. It has a book-plate reading Biblioteca del Rey N. Señor, with VII B 2 stamped below it, and 2. B. 4 pencilled above it. It also bears a label with the number 2274, and the first blank and unnumbered leaf is marked Nº. 196.




17. De Remediis utriusque Fortunae (Italian)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 35·5 x 25·5 cm. 298 fols. Single column. Titles in red; initials in gold and colours. Fol. 1 has decoration including miniature of Petrarch crowned and the arms and motto of the Marqués de Santillana. The binding bears the monogram of the Duque de Osuna.

fol. 1: Incomincia il primo libro di messer Francesco Petrarcha, poeta fiorentino, di rimedii contra ad fortuna prospera, recato di latino in volgare per frate Giouanni da Sancto Miniato de frati degli Agnioli di Firenze. Prologo. Quando io penso le cose et le fortune degli huomini...

fol. 143v: Finis prime partis. Finisce il primo libro di Messere Francesco Petrarcha de remedii della fortuna prospera.

fol. 143v: Incomincia il secondo libro del detto messere Francesco Petrarcha de rimedii della fortuna aduersa, ridocto di latino in volgare de frate Giouanni da Santo Miniato de' Romiti degli Agnioli di Firenze.

fol. 144: Prologo . Di tutte le scripture ch'io ho lecte o udite...

fol. 298v: Finisce il secondo libro de remediis utriusque fortunati di messer Francesco Petrarcha, laureato poeta fiorentino.



The binder's fly-leaf has, in XVIII c. hand, 'Petrarca contra prospera y adversa fortuna'. This translation, by Giovanni da San Miniato (b. 1363), was printed at Bologna in 1867.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: Res. 212. The MS. bears in a corner the pencilled shelf-mark Res. 4ª-5, but it is impossible to say whether this is the cause or a consequence of Schiff's mistake (cf. MS. 15 of this list). Schiff, 321-2, describes it. Neither this MS. nor no. 15 is at present included in the Biblioteca Nacional card-catalogue. I am most grateful to D. José López de Toro, Sub-Director of the Biblioteca Nacional, who took considerable pains to locate this MS. It was originally made for Santillana, continued in his family's possession, and entered the library of the Duque de Osuna, where its shelf-mark was at first Plut. III. Lit. N. Nº 18, and later 175. This is the number under which it appears in José María Rocamora, Catálogo abreviado de los manuscritos de la biblioteca del Excmo. Señor Duque de Osuna é Infantado (Madrid, 1882). It was bought for the Biblioteca Nacional in 1884.



  —135→  
18. Secretum (Latin)

XV c. ?; Semigothic. 30·5 x 21 cm. 139 fols., but volume ends in mid-sentence, and there are signs of a torn-out leaf at end. Single column. Secretum occupies fols. 101-23. It is preceded by Epistola Beati Cirilli... and followed by Epistola Beati Bernhardi... The volume is marked Theolog. Diversa on the spine.

Fol. 101: Prologue begins without incipit. Colloquy I has no special heading separating it from the Prologue, except (101v):

A Augustinus P Petrarcha

fol. 106: Petrarche laureati de Secreto conflictu liber primus explicit Incipit secundus eiusdem et ait primo Augustinus.

Fol. 113 has no heading to mark the division between the 2nd and 3rd Colloquies.

fol. 123: Amen [crossed out] Petrarche laureati de secreto conflictu curarum suarum liber tertius et vltimus feliciter explicit.



Numerous marginal notes by the original scribe, usually summarizing contents. A substantially accurate text, though with some minor variants.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 54 (formerly B-91).




19. De Viris illustribus (Latin)

Bound in one volume with a XV c. MS. of miscellaneous items. De Viris illustribus is in XIV c. Gothic script (1391? 1394?). 26 x 19 cm. Volume has 257 fols., De Viris illustribus occupying 1-149. Single column. Each chapter of De Viris illustribus begins with a miniature, representing the person who is the subject of the chapter. All these portraits are medieval in appearance. Red and blue initials.

fol. 1 [in much later hand]: Petrarcha de Regibus Romanorum [Original text begins] Romulus romanorum regum primus. romane que rei publi ce parens fuit ardentis animi...

fol. 14: ...quam fabritium a sua intentione diuertere. [This is the end of De Viris illustribus proper. The Supplementum follows without a break, beginning] Alexander macedo preclarum in regibus nomen...

fol. 149: ...nec deo nec hominibus placuisse. Facto fine pia laudetur uirgo maria. Deo gratias Ego Bartolomeus de minutis filius quondam Antonii de placentia scripsi hunc librum imagen expleui. Millesimo ccºc. lxxxxi [a further iij has been erased] die. xºj. martii. [In a different hand] Es aquest libre de mestre perot farrus sastre habitant en la present Ciutat de barcelona y fou acabat de llegir pe mi. D. I. A. als. G. a xiiii de maig Millesimo. Dº. xxxvº laus Deo omipotenti



Marginal notes (chiefly summaries), with lines and pointing hands, rare in De Viris illustribus, more common in Supplementum. The Supplementum   —136→   is not by Petrarch. The version of De Viris illustribus which appears in the early printed editions is only an abridgement of Petrarch's work. The fuller and more faithful tradition is represented by this MS. and MSS. 20 and 22, which differ to some extent, but which resemble each other much more closely than any of them resembles the printed editions of the late XV c. and the XVI c. This MS. has fourteen chapters of De Viris illustribus and nine chapters of Supplementum.

Escorial: d. III. 9. The fly-leaf of the volume, in addition to a table of contents, has the shelf-mark IV. I. 8 crossed out. Antolín describes the MS. in vol . i of his Catálogo, and says that it at one time had the shelf mark III. c. 9, and that it came from the library of D. Antonio Agustín, Archbishop of Tarragona. He adds (Catálogo, v. 156) that this was the second most important private library acquired by the Escorial, being incorporated at the Archbishop's death in 1586. The history of the MS. before it came into the hands of Perot Farrus is unknown. It is, however, clear that the two components of the existing volume were not bound together when the Escorial acquired De Viris illustribus, since an inventory made at the time (quoted by Antolín, v. 219) lists

Francisci Petrarchae Etrusci Florentini virorum illustrium epitome a Romulo ad C. Caesarem. Liber in membranis annorum CL. forma folii.






20. De Viris illustribus (Latin)

XIV c.; Gothic script. 32·5 x 25·5 cm. 162 fols., but 62-72 are blank and of different material, apparently having been inserted later; fol. 62 bears a note Hic desinent folia. Two columns. One illuminated initial.

fol. 1: Francisci Petrarche laureati Virorum Illustrium liber Incipit -De Romulo

fol. 162: Explicit deo gratias. Laus Christo pax viuis et requies defunctis amen: Johannes mangonis.



There is no heading to mark the division between De Viris illustribus and the Supplementum. The fly-leaf has, in a XVII c.? hand

Indice de las Vidas que se tratan En este libro escrito Por Francisco Petrarcha Romulus-fo.- I...

This MS., which has fourteen chapters of De Viris illustribus and eight of Supplementum, follows the more faithful tradition of Petrarch's work.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 5786 (formerly Q-103)




21. De Viris illustribus (Latin)

XV c.; Gothic script. 27·5 x 19 cm. 62 fols., of which two at the beginning and one at the end are blank. Two columns. Miniatures, fols. 4, 23, and 59v, of battle scenes. Gold, red, and blue initials and decorations. fol. 1 [in XVI c. hand]: Francisci Petrarche de viris illustribus

  —137→  

fol. 3v: Francisci petrarche poete laureati quorundam uirorum illustrium ad inclitum dominum insignis glorie ducem franciscum de cararia breue compendium. Eiusdem compendii. Rubrice De romulo primo romanorum rege...

fol. 21v: ...a sua intencione diuertere. Fabricius lucius explicit. Cum ad hoc opusculum intentus hactenus scripsisset ...ipse uates celeberrimus Franciscus petrarcha obiit redditurus ad astra. Cuius compendii primus explicit. Eiusdem compendii post celeberrimi uatis francisci petrarche obitum. Ad illustrem insignis glorie ducem Franciscum de Cararia pataui dominum lombardi a Serico patauini supplementum. Eiusdem lombardi prohemium. Sencio quam grande opus...

fol. 22v: Prohemium explicit. Eiusdem lombardi a Serico patauini supplementum rubrice incipiunt.

fol. 23: De alexandro macedone incipit.

fol. 61: ...ad sydera sublimandus. Vlpius traianus Explicit. Vale diu felix patrie... Compendii quorundam illustrium uirorum ad inclitum insignis glorie duce. Franciscum de Cararia pataui dominum post celeberrimi uatis francisci petrarche obitum lombardi. A Serico patauini explicit supplementum.



Occasional marginal notes (summaries, and insertions of omitted words), perhaps by the original scribe. Occasional marginal and interlinear notes in Semigothic script. This MS. corresponds very closely to the text printed in the early Opera.

Valencia University Library: 1787. The MS. is described by Marcelino Gutiérrez del Caño, Catálogo de los manuscritos existentes en la Biblioteca Universitaria de Valencia (Valencia, 3 vols., 1913), iii. 32-33, with one plate; G. Mazzatinti, La Biblioteca dei Re d'Aragona in Napoli (Rocca S. Casciano, 1897), no. 479; Tammaro de Marinis, La Biblioteca napoletana dei Re d'Aragona, ii (Milano, 1947) 1207; iv (1947), plates 190-1; José Alcina Franch, Historia de la Biblioteca de Alfonso V en Nápoles (unpublished doctoral thesis of the University of Valencia, 1948, 2 vols.), ii. 275-9. This MS. was originally in the library of the Aragonese Kings in Naples, and was among those brought to Spain by D. Fernando, Duque de Calabria, and deposited by him at the Valencian monastery of S. Miguel de los Reyes in 1546. It remained there until 1825, when it was transferred to Valencia University, where it has since remained (de Marinis, i, 1952, 198). The volume bears a considerable number of shelf-marks and other marks: inside the front cover is a pencilled 90-4-16, and in ink R. 12 ( the latter is believed by Alcina Franch to be the second of three shelf-marks which MSS. of this origin and history bear). At the bottom of fol. 3v is Lit. A. Plu. 3. n. 23, and at the bottom of fol. 4

Es dela Libreria de S. Miguel delos Reyes.



  —138→  

It was in this library that the preceding shelf-mark was added to the MS. After the explicit (fol. 61) is added, in the same hand as the San Miguel shelf-mark, Int 89 f 84. Inside the back cover is the classification of the work,

alistoria no vi petracha de viris illustribus,



the librarian's signature Conradus, a note in a later hand of the number of leaves, miniatures, and decorated initials,

fol 62 parue 38 medie 34 magne 3,



and another shelf-mark (which is followed by two rows of figures):

Soto F. P. primo nto alblro aff 203 ptn 3ª.



This is the earliest of the three, and is assigned by Alcina Franch to XV c.




22. De Viris illustribus (Italian)

XV c.; Italic script. 34 x 23·75 cm. 223 fols. Single column. Fol. 1 has a miniature of Petrarch and the arms of the Marqués de Santillana. There is a miniature at the beginning of each chapter, as in MS. 19.

fol. 1: Incomincia il libro di messere Fanciesco Petrarch poeta fiorentino intitolato De Viris Illustribus prima Romolo Romolo fu il primo re de romani & padre della romana republica, huomo primeramente dardentissimo animo...



There is no heading to mark the division between De Viris illustribus and the Supplementum:

che disse che piu leggiermente simouerebbe ilsole dalsuo corso che fabritio dasua intentione.



is followed immediately by

Allexandro Maciedonico Allessandro di macedonia ilquale a gloriosa fama intra ire auendo inpueritia...

fol. 223: Deo Gratias Amen [there is no other explicit].



A number of passages are indicated by lines in the margin, but there is only one marginal note: mors augusti, in a later hand than that of the MS. This translation, by Donato degli Albanzani da Pratovecchio, contains all fourteen chapters of De Viris illustribus and all twenty-one of the Supplementum; all, that is, which appear in the early printed editions. It gives, however, a much fuller text, and in De Viris and that part of the Supplementum which appears in Latin in MSS. 19 and 20, its text resembles that of the other two MSS. Fairly closely. It is, in other words, a translation of the fuller and more faithful Latin tradition,   —139→   not of the tradition represented in the 1496 Opera and subsequent editions. The fly-leaf has in a later hand

Petrarca de ylustres barones en los [word partly obliterated].



Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: Res. 214 (formerly Res. 4ª-6). The MS. was made for Santillana and, as with MS. 17, passed into the library of the Duque de Osuna, where its shelf-mark was Plut. III. Lit. N. Nº 17 (this can still be seen on the fly-leaf), and later 174, under which number it appears in Rocamora's Catálogo abreviado. It was then acquired by the Biblioteca Nacional. It is described by Schiff, op. cit. 320-1.




23. De Vita solitaria (Latin)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 29·5 x 22 cm. 64 fols. Single column. Red and blue initials.

fol. 1: Francisci petrarche laureati vite solitarie incipit primum capitulum Primi libri

fol. 23: Secundus liber eiusdem Francisci petrarche capitulum primum

fol. 64: Francisci petrarche laureati vite solitarie liber secundus explicit feliciter.



Marginal notes, mostly summaries, but also lines indicating important passages, and eighteen small sketches and caricatures going up to fol. 42. After the first few leaves, the script becomes larger and approaches more nearly to cursive. The numeration of the chapters is not that of the printed editions, and is careless in addition: fol. 23 has the heading capitulum tertium in two places and no heading for chapter 4. There are ten chapters in Book I and fifteen in Book II. The text itself is inaccurate.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 7401 (formerly T-146, and earlier still Uu-109).




24. De Vita solitaria (Latin)

XIV c.; Gothic script. 26 x 19·75 cm. l00 fols. Two columns. Illuminated initial and decorated border on fol. 1. Red and blue initials elsewhere.

fol. 1: Francisci petrarce laureati vite solitarie liber primus incipit ad Phylippum cauallicensem episcopum.

fol. 40: Francisci petrarce laureati vite solitarie liber primus explicit. Incipit secundus

fol. 100: Francisci petrarce laureati vite solitarie liber secundus explicit feliciter.



Marginal notes (chiefly personal names) in red. The numeration of chapters is, as with MS. 23, different from that of the printed editions,   —140→   and some chapter headings are omitted. There are ten chapters in Book I and fifteen in Book II. Book II, tr. iii, ch. 16, of the early printed editions is omitted, but apart from this the text is a faithful one. The pagination is, however, in a state of utter confusion, and the correct order of the text is only to be followed by reading the leaves in the following order: 1-8, 41-48, 9-24, 33-40, 25-32, 49-64, 89-96, 81-88, 73-80, 65-72, and 97-100.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 9633 (formerly Ee-42).




25. De Vita solitaria (Latin)

XV c. ? Semigothic script. 29·5 x 21 cm. 182 fols. Two columns. Spaces left for illuminated initials.

fol. 1: [P]aucos homines noui quibus opusculorum meorum tanta dignatio... [there is no incipit]

fol. 21v: [Book II begins here without any heading.]

fol. 56v: Recte consulis. uerum dicis: francisci petrarche laureati uite solitarie liber secundus explicit feliciter



A few marginal notes (summaries of the text), with lines and hands marking important passages, and one sketched face. There is no division into chapters. The text is a fairly faithful one. De Vita solitaria is followed in this volume by another MS., in Gothic script with red and blue initials, containing Flores philosophorum (fols. 57-119) and Flores auctorum (fols. 120-82).

fol. 182v: [line erased] franciscus pethrarcha flores filosoforum flores auctorum



The spine of the volume is marked Petrarchae Vitae Solitariae.

Salamanca University Library: 1483. This, like MS. 16, was taken from Salamanca to the Biblioteca Real (Biblioteca del Palacio), and recently returned to Salamanca. It has a modern label on the spine with the number 2629. There is a book-plate reading Biblioteca del Rey N. Señor, with VII J 3 stamped below it and 2. R. 4 pencilled above it. Fol. i is marked Nº 197.




26. De Vita solitaria (Spanish)

XV c.; Gothic script. 30·5 x 23 cm. 105 fols. Two columns. Illuminated initials. First two leaves, left blank by scribe, bear a large amount of almost illegible writing.

fol. I: Miserere mei domine...

fol. 1v: francisco petrarcha [in hand contemporary with MS.; followed by much scribbling and drawing, some of it modern].

fol. 2: Este libro es de don [remainder illegible].

  —141→  

fol. 2v: [more scribbling; phrase Padre yo beso las manos recurs].

fol. 3: Flores y sentencia del libro de maestre francisco petrarcha poeta en el qual loa la vida appartada llamada solitaria. El qual libro embiaua a vn obispo su señor y amigo. Capitulo primero del prologo. En el primero libro desta materia. Pocos ombres conosci: de los quales las mis pequeñas obras fuessen assi preçiadas commo de ti mi señor mucho amado. Et non solamente te pareçen seer buenas: mas dises que assi lo son. Et non puedo yo sospechar...

fol. 46: Acabado es el primero libro graçias a dios. Aqui comiençan las flores y sentençia del segundo libro de maestre francisco petrarcha poeta loando la vida solitaria. En el qual pone exenplos del viejo y nueuo testamento. Capitulo primero.

fol. 105: Verdat me dizes [followed by, in a less careful hand], que francia aya tapado Jhesu Christe escudanos [? last word very indistinct] escryviose este lybro en el ano de mjll y quatrocyentos primi [?] petrarcha.

fol. 105v: scribbled writing in more recent hand.



A few marginal notes contemporary with MS.; later scribbled drawings. The MS. was examined and exonerated: fol. 3 has a note

No esta comprehendido enel catalogo de 640 Dr Gaspar de [illegible].



The spine is marked

orijinal el Petrarcha Alaba la uida solitaria



Despite the title, this is a full translation of De Vita solitaria, represented also by MSS. 27 and 28. The translator cannot be definitely identified, though he may be Pero Díaz de Toledo. His work is an accurate version of the Latin text.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 4022 (formerly P-36).




27. De Vita solitaria (Spanish)

XV c.? Gothic script. 29 x 21 cm. 121 fols., numbered 1-120 (two before numeration begins, and one is missing). Two columns. Red initials, with some spaces not filled in.

fol. 1: Syguense los capytulos de las flores y sentencia del libro de maestre Francisco petrarca en el qual loa la vyda apartada llamada solytaria. El qual libro es partydo en dos partes y ay en la prymera treynta y un capytulo. Ca pytulo primero del prologo en el primero libro desta materia.

fol. 3: flores y sentencia del libro de maestre francisco petrarca poeta en el qual loa la vida apartada llamada solitaria. El qual libro enbio a vn obispo su señor y amigo. Capitulo primero del prologo en el primero libro desta materia [P]ocos ombres coñosci de los quales las mis pequeñas obras fuesen asi preciadas commo de ty mi señor mucho amado...

  —142→  

fol. 47: Aquí se acaba el primero libro y comiençan las flores y sentencia del Segundo libro de francisco petrarca poeta loando la vida solitaria enel qual pone enxenplo del viejo y nuevo testamento.

fol. 121: ...estas palabras imagen Bien me amonestas, derechamente me aconsejas, Verdad me dizes imagen Deo gratias.



Lines and hands in margin indicate important passages, but no actual marginal notes. The spine is marked

Flores del Petrarca castellano.



Number of chapters in this MS. and MS. 26 not the same as that in MSS. 23-25 or 28, or the printed editions. The text, however, is virtually identical with that in MS. 26 and in the part of the work given in MS. 28. Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 9223 (formerly Bb-97).




28. De Vita solitaria (Spanish)

XV c.; Semigothic script. 30.5 x 22 cm. 85 fols., plus one blank and unnumbered at beginning. Single column. Red initials, but spaces left mostly not filled in.

fol. 1: [P]ocos ombres cognosci de los quales las mis pequeñas obras fuesen asi prçciadas commo de ti mi señor muy amado, y non solamente te paresçen ser buenas, mas dizes que asi lo son... [no incipit].

fol. 44: ...era ygual peligro al nuestro sea el Remedio nuestro equal [most of a line is left blank here; this is the last of Book I to appear in this MS., and the next words are from Book II, whose beginning is omitted] obras delas quales el vno biuio nouenta años, y el otro...

fol. 82v: E asi commo esto delos cuerpos es imaginamiento de locura. asi es delas almas.



Fols. 83-85 are composed of two unidentified fragments in another hand. De Vita solitaria breaks off in Book II, ch. 36. In addition to the gap noted above, the end of i. 6, all of i. 7-8, and the beginning of i. 9 are omitted. It seems likely that this was copied from a defective MS., or that it is a rough draft not intended for preservation. The gap in fol. 44 would support the first view; the script, which varies from small (33 lines to the page) to very large (fewer than 20) would support the second. Hand in margin indicates important passages in two places; there are no other marginal notes.

Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid: 10127 (formerly Ii-56); it is not at present included in the Biblioteca's card-catalogue of MSS. Bound in green leather, with Tratado de vida solitaria on the spine, and a coronet and D. de O. on the front. The MS. definitely belonged to the Duque de Osuna's library, though it is not in Rocamora, Catálogo abreviado... It may have belonged to the Marqués de Santillana, and is described by Schiff, op. cit. 323-6.





  —143→  

ArribaAbajoAppendix II: Borrowings from the Index to Petrarch's Works not listed in Chapter II


(a) In the sixteen-act version of La Celestina

Alcibiades occisus nullo miserante insepultus iacens amicae obvolutus est amiculo ut prius somniaverat. (De Rebus memorandis, IV. iii. 29)temo no me acontezca como a Alci biades o a Sócrates, que el uno soñó que se veya embuelto en el manto de su amiga e otro día matáronle, e no houo quien le alçasse de la calle ni cubriesse, sino ella con su manto. (1. 219-20; 122)

The reference to Socrates is deleted in 1502.

Quod Alexandro per visum draco radicem in ore gerens apparuit quia inventa et Ptolemaeum familiarem suum venenata aspide percussum et alios multos de eadem peste liberavit. (Rebus mem. iv. iii. 22 B)quando vió en sueños aquel grande Alexandre, rey de Macedonia, en la boca del dragón la saludable rayz con que sanó a su criado Tolomeo del bocado de la bíuora. (ii. 53; 184)
Ex alto graves lapsus: et rara quies in pelago. (De Remediis, i. 17 C)Prouerbio es antigo, que de muy alto grandes caydas se dan... Rara es la bonança en el piélago. (ii. 111-12; 232)
Amantium irae amoris integratio est. (De Rebus familiaribus, 75 B)Que las yras de los amigos siempre suelen ser reintegración del amor. (ii. 16; 157-8)
Amicitiae causa est morum paritas et similitudo animorum. (Rebus mem. II. ii i. 46)La paridad de las costumbres e la semejança de los coraçones es la que mas la sostiene. (i. 235; 132)
Amicitia nullum pondus recusat. (Rebus fam. 49 B) Ninguna carga rehusa. (i. 235; 132)
Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur. (De Remediis, i. 50 B)El cierto amigo en la cosa incierta se conosce... (i. 234-5; 132)
Animal nullum: nulla merx difficilior cognitu quam homo. (De Remediis, i. 50 G)¡O que mala cosa es de conocer el hombre! ¡Bien dizen que ninguna mercaduría ni animal es tan difícil! (1. 198; 106-7)   —144→  
Antipater Sidonius tam exercitati ingenii fuit ut versus hexametros aliosque diversorum generum ex improviso copiose diceret. (Rebus mem. II. ii. 20)El gran Antipater Sidonio, el gran poeta Ouidio, los quales de improuiso se les venían las razones metrificadas a la boca. (ii. 18; 159)
Beneficium dando accepit qui digno dedit. (Rebus mem. III. ii. 6o B)Porque hazer beneficio es semejar a Dios, e el que le da le recibe, quando a persona digna dél le haze. (i. 175; 91)

This borrowing is changed in 1502 to

e mas que el que haze beneficio lo rescibe quando es a persona que lo merece.



Petrarch attributes the sententia to 'Publius' (i. e. Publilius Syrus), and Castro Guisasola, op. cit. 99, says that it comes from Sententiae Senecae (the work of Publilius Syrus, with interpolations). It is preceded in La Celestina by what appears to be a borrowing from the Spanish version, Prouerbios de Seneca, whose Seville 1495 edition has 'Que cosa es dar beneficio semejar a Dios' (fol. lix), but not the sententia found in Petrarch. It is thus possible that the whole has its source not in Petrarch but in some other edition of Publilius Syrus, which I have not, however, been able to trace.

Comparationes non carent odio. (Rebus mem. III. ii. 44 D)Toda comparación es odiosa... (ii. 35; 170)
Cum divitiis necessitas crescit. (Rebus fam. 98 C)¡O Dios, e cómo cresce la necessidad con la abundancia! (ii. 100; 222)
Fortunae prosperae regimen difficilius est quam adversae. (De Remediis, i, Praef. F)Siempre lo oy dezir, que es más difícile de sofrir la próspera fortuna que la aduersa... (ii. 71; 199)
Posse nocere non est vera magnitudo nec verum robur. (Epistolae sine Titulo, 2 F)No es, Sempronio, verdadera fuerça ni poderío dañar e empecer. (ii. 11; 154)

The exemplum of Aemilius Paulus: see p. 42.

Periculum numquam sine periculo vincitur. (Rebus mem. III. ii. 60 B)que nunca peligro sin peligro se vence. (ii. 58; 188)
Sapientem se credere primus ad stulticiam gradus est: proximus profiteri. (De Remediis, i. 12 A)¿No sabes que el primer escalón de locura es creerse ser sciente? (i. 122; 66)

The sententia on the old living and the young dying: see p. 43.

Stulti omnes secundum se alios estimant. (De Remediis, ii. 125 G)De los locos es estimar a todos los otros de su calidad. (i. 180; 94)   —145→  
Tempestas nulla durat. (De Remediis, ii. 90 1)Ninguna tempestad mucho dura. (i. 181; 94)
Non fit ante tempus quod in omni tempore fieri potest. (De Remediis, ii. 48 B)No se puede dezir sin tiempo fecho lo que en todo tiempo se puede fazer. (ii. 25; 164)
Tanta est veri vis ut linguas saepe hostium ad se trahat. (De Remediis, i. 13 C)Que tanta es la fuerça de la verdad, que las lenguas de los enemigos trae a sí. (i. I19; 65)

a sí is changed in 1502 to a su mandar

Veritatem solidam vulgaris aura non concutit. (Vita solitaria, u. iii. 7 A)a la firme verdad el viento del vulgo no la empece. (i. 183; 96)
Non oportet veritatem rerum fictis adumbrare coloribus. (Rebus fam. 12 A)porque la verdad no es necessario abundar de muchas colores. (i. 182; 95)
Victus non est nisi qui se victum credit. (De Remediis, ii. 73 B)Pues sabe que no es vencido, sino el que se cree serlo. (i. 18o; 94)
Vulgus quicquid cogitat vanum est: quicquid loquitur falsum est: quicquid improbat bonum est: quicquid approbat malum est: quicquid praedicat infame est et quicquid agit stultum est. (De Remediis, i. II D in fin).Porque estas son conclusiones verdaderas, que qualquier cosa, que el vulgo piensa, es vanidad; lo que fabla, falsedad; lo que reprueua es bondad; lo que aprueua, maldad. (ii. 34; 169)
Nunquam laetus eris si vulgo te regendum tradideris. (Rebus fam. 15 E)Nunca alegre viuirás, si por voluntad de muchos te riges. (ii. 33-4; 169)
Vulpes pilum mutat sed non mores. (Rebus mem. 11. iii. 36 A)que avnque muda el pelo la raposa, su natural no despoja. (ii. 94; 218)

Cejador points out that this is a Spanish proverb, but Petrarch's use of it shows that it is not confined to Spain.

Some of these entries are very close together in the index without actually being consecutive, and are also consecutive or nearly so in La Celestina; this is especially noticeable with the three entries on friend ship and the two on the vulgo. This naturally strengthens the case, established by the groups of consecutive entries, for Rojas's use of the index, and Castro Guisasola is inclined to treat such entries just as if they were consecutive; yet it seems to me unwise to establish a standard for judging evidence and then to relax it.



  —146→  
(b) Borrowings added in the twenty-one-act version of La Celestina

Amor omnis successore novo vincitur. (Secretum, iii R)Con nueuo amor oluidarás los viejos. Vn hijo que nasce restaura la falta de tres finados: con nueuo sucessor se pierde la alegre memoria e plazeres perdidos del passado. (ii. 141; 253)
Amor amore compensandus est: in caeteris rebus diversi generis com pensatio admittitur. (Rebus mem. III. ii. 52)Todas las deudas del mundo resciben compensación en diuerso género; el amor no admite sino solo amor por paga. (ii. 147-8; 257)
Consuetudo longior rerum miracula extenuat: dolores lenit: et minuit voluptates. (Rebus fam. 69 A)Que la costumbre luenga amansa los dolores, afloxa e deshaze los deleytes, desmengua las marauillas. (i. 132; 71)
Doctorum hominum verba praegnantia sunt. (De Remediis, ii. 114 O)E como sea cierto que toda palabra del hombre sciente está preñada... (i. 16; 13)
Dominus durum superbumque et grave nomen est. (De Remediis, i. 85 C)¡O tía, e qué duro nombre e qué graue e soberuio es señora contino en la boca! (ii. 41; 173)
Eruditorum diem unum plus pia cere quam stultorum longissimam vitam. (Rebus mem. III. ii. 55 A)No en balde se dize: que vale más vn día del hombre discreto que toda la vida del nescio e simple. (ii. 154; 262)
Hoste inexpectato nil nocentius. (Rebus fam. 5 D in fin).No ay, cierto, cosa más empecible que el incogitado enemigo. (ii. 124; 242)
Honestiores sunt lachrymae in alienis calamitatibus quam in no stris. (Rebus fam. 89 A)¡O quánto mejores y más honestas fueran mis lágrimas en passión ajena, que en la propia mía! (ii. 138; 251)
Mortis nullum praefinitum est tempus: sine termino debitores sumus. (Rebus fam. 12 B)Mayormente que no ay hora cierta ni limitada ni avn vn solo momento. Deudores somos sin tiempo, con tino estamos obligados a pagar luego. (ii. 123; 241)
Virgineam castitatem nulla arte melius quam maturo coniugio praeservabis. (De Remediis, i. 84 C in fin).No ay cosa con que mejor se con serue la limpia fama en las vírgines, que con temprano casamiento. (ii. 146; 256)   —147→  
Nulla virtus tam laudata est quin vituperatores inveniat. (De Remediis, ii. 28 B)ninguna virtut ay tan perfecta que no tenga vituperadores e maldizientes. (ii. 146; 256)

The exemplum of Ulysses: see pp. 44-45

Ultionis momentanea delectatio est: misericordia sempiterna. (De Remediis, i. io1 B)Pero ya sabes que el deleyte de la vengança dura vn momento y el de la misericordia para siempre. (i. 182; 95)
Voluptatis magister unus in magno populo satis est. (Rebus fam. 65 B)vn solo maestro de vicios dizen que basta para corromper vn gran pueblo. (i. 184; 96)

Here, also, some entries are very close together in the index and in La Celestina, notably the entries on virginity and virtue, which are actually consecutive in La Celestina. Nevertheless, they are not consecutive in the index, and though there can be little doubt that Rojas borrowed them at the same time, the reservation expressed above remains valid here. Pedro Bohigas, 'De la Comedia a la Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea', Estudios dedicados a Menéndez Pidal, vii. i (Madrid, 1957), 153-75, follows Castro Guisasola in citing the use of these two entries as proof that Rojas used the index in 1502.





  —148→  

ArribaAbajoBibliography

This is intended only as a working bibliography for this book, and not as a bibliography of either Petrarch or La Celestina. There is no full Celestina bibliography, but a comparatively full one may be obtained by combining the lists in A. Millares Carlo, Literatura española hasta fines del siglo XV (México, 1953); Samonà (see below); J. Simón Díaz, Bibliografía de la literatura hispánica, iii (Madrid, 1953), and Adiciones (1955); M. Criado de Val, Índice verbal de La Celestina (Madrid, RFE, Anejo lxiv, 1955) and D. W. McPheeters, 'The Present Status of Celestina Studies', Symposium, xii (1958), 196-205.

ALCINA FRANCH, J. Historia de la Biblioteca de Alfonso V en Nápoles (unpublished doctoral thesis, Univ. of Valencia, 2 vols., 1948).

ALÒS-MONER, R. D'. 'Flors de Petrarca de Remeys de Cascuna Fortuna', EUC, xxi (1936), 651-66.

AMADOR DE LOS RÍOS, J. Historia crítica de la literatura española, vols. vi and vii (Madrid, 1865).

ANTOLÍN, G. (ed.). Catálogo de los códices latinos de la Real Biblioteca del Escorial (Madrid, 5 vols., 1911-23).

ARNOLD, E. V. Roman Stoicism (Cambridge, 1911).

ATAÍDE E MELO, A. F. DE. Inventário dos Códices Alcobacenses (Lisboa, 1930).

BATAILLON, M. 'La Célestine primitive', Studia Philologica et Litteraria in Honorem L. Spitzer (Bern, 1958), 39-55

_____ 'Gaspar von Barth, interprète de La Célestine', Revue de Littérature Comparée, xxxi (1957), 321-40

_____ '¿Melancolía renacentista o melancolía judía?', Estudios hispánicos: Homenaje a Archer M. Huntington (Wellesley, Mass., 1952), 39-50

_____ review of Gilman, The Art of La Celestina, NRFH, xi (1957), 112-21.

BEER, R. 'Handschriftenschlätze Spaniens', Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, CXXIV. vi. 1891, and CXXIX. vi. 1894.

BENNETT, H. S. Chaucer and the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1947 -Oxford History of English Literature, II. i).

_____English Books and Readers, 1475-1557 (Cambridge, 1952).

BERNARDO, A. S. 'Dramatic Dialogue and Monologue in Petrarch's Works', Symposium, vii (1953), 92-119.

BILLANOVICH, G. Petrarca letterato, I. Lo scrittoio del Petrarca (Roma, 1947)

BOHIGAS, P. 'De la Comedia a la Tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea', Estudios dedicados a Menéndez Pidal, VII. i (Madrid, 1957), 153-75

BRITISH MUSEUM Catalogue of Early English Books to 1640.

_____ Catalogue of French Books 1470-1600

  —149→  

BURNET, J. Early Greek Philosophy (4th ed., London, 1930).

CANTERA BURGOS, F. Álvar García de Santa María y su familia de conversos (Madrid, 1952).

CAREAGA, L. 'Investigaciones referentes a Fernando de Rojas en Talavera de la Reina', Revista Hispánica Moderna, iv (1938), 193-208.

CARINI, I. Gli Archivé e le Biblioteche di Spagna in rapporto alla storia d'Italia in generale e di Sicilia in particolare (Palermo, 2 vols., 1884).

CASAS HOMS, J. M. (ed.). Poliodorus: Comedia humanística desconocida (Madrid, 1953) (see also Lida de Malkiel, M. R.).

CASTRO, A. Aspectos del vivir hispánico (Santiago de Chile, 1949)

_____ La realidad histórica de España (México, 1954) (see also Malkiel, Y.)

_____ Santa Teresa y otros ensayos (Santander, 1929).

CASTRO GUISASOLA, F. Observaciones sobre las fuentes literarias de La Celestina (Madrid, RFE, Anejo v, 1924).

COTARELO Y MORI, E. Don Enrique de Villena. Su vida y obras (Madrid, 1896).

CROCE, B. Poesia antica e moderna (2ª ed., Bari, 1943)

CRUELLS, M. 'Alguns documents sobre la vida cultural i literària de Carles de Viana', EUC, xvii (1932), 86-94

_____ 'Carles de Viana i el Renaixement', EUC, xviii (1933), 333-5

CURTIUS, E. R. European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages (tr. W. R. Trask, London, 1953).

DELISLE, L. 'Anciennes traductions françaises du traité de Pétrarque sur les remèdes de l'une et 1'autre fortune', Notices et extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres Bibliothèques, XXXIV. i (1891), 273 -304.

DESDEVISES DU DÉZERT, G. Don Carlos d'Aragon, Prince de Viane. Étude sur l'Espagne du Nord au XVe siècle (Paris, 1889).

DEYERMOND, A. D. 'The Index to Petrarch's Latin Works as a Source of La Celestina', BHS, xxxi (1954), 141-9

FARINELLI, A. Italia e Spagna, vol. i (Torino, 1929).

FISKE, W. Bibliographical Notices III. Francis Petrarch's Treatise De Remediis utriusque Fortunae. Text and Versions (Florence, 1888).

FOULCHÉ-DELBOSC, R. 'Observations sur la Célestine', RHi, vii (1900), 28-80 and 510; ix (1902), 171-99; lxxviii (1930), 544-99

FOWLER, M. (ed.). Cornell University Library: Catalogue of the Fiske Petrarch Collection (Oxford, 1916).

FRANÇON, M. 'Petrarch, Disciple of Heraclitus', Speculum, xi (1936), 265-71.

FRANK, R. `Four Paradoxes in the Celestina', Romanic Review, xxxviii (1947) 53-68.

FRIEDERICH, W. P. Dante's Fame Abroad 1350-1850 (Roma, 1950).

GARRIDO PALLARDÓ, F. Los problemas de Calisto y Melibea y el conflicto de su autor (Figueras, 1957).

GILMAN, S. The Art of La Celestina (Madison, Wisconsin, 1956) (see also Bataillon, M., Russell, P. E. and Spitzer, L.).

_____ 'The Fall of Fortune: from Allegory to Fiction', Filologia Romanza, iv (1957), 337-54

_____ 'A Rejoinder to Leo Spitzer', HR, xxv (1957), 112-2 I.

  —150→  

GILMAN, S. Review of Samonà, Aspetti del retoricismo nella `Celestina', NRFH, x (1956), 73-80.

GOLDSCHMIDT, E. P. Medieval Texts and their First Appearance in Print (London-Oxford, 1943).

GREEN, O. H. 'The Celestina and the Inquisition', HR, xv (1947), 211-16.

_____ 'An additional note on the Celestina and the Inquisition', HR, xvi (1948) 70-1.

_____ 'Celestina, Auto I: Minerua con el can', NRFH, vii (1953). 470-4.

_____ 'Fernando de Rojas, converso and hidalgo', HR, xv (1947), 384-7.

GRUBBS, H. A. (ed.). Union World Catalog of MS Books, vol. ii (1933), vol. v (1935).

GUDIOL, J. 'Catàleg deis llibres manuscrits anteriors al segle XVIII del Museu Episcopal de Vich', Butlletí de la Biblioteca de Catalunya, vi (1920-2), 50-97; vii (1923-7), 59-154; viii (1928-32), 46-120.

GUTIÉRREZ DEL CAÑO, M. (ed.). Catálogo de los manuscritos existentes en la Biblioteca Universitaria de Valencia (Valencia, 3 vols., 1913).

HAEBLER, K. Bibliografía ibérica del siglo XV (La Haya-Leipzig, 2 vols., 1903-17).

HEITMANN, K. 'La genesi del De Remediis...', Convivium, XXV (1957), q-3o.

HUIZINGA, J. The Waning of the Middle Ages (tr. F. Hopman, London, 1924).

LAPESA, R. La obra literaria del Marqués de Santillana (Madrid, 1957).

LIDA DE MALKIEL, M. R. 'Juan Rodríguez del Padrón: Vida y obra', NRFH, vi (1952), 313-51.

_____ Review of Casas Homs, Poliodorus..., NRFH, x (1956), 415-39.

LISBON. Index Codicum Bibliothecae Alcobatiae (Olisipone, 1775).

LÓPEZ MARTÍNEZ, N. Los judaizantes castellanos y la inquisición en tiempo de Isabel la Católica (Burgos, 1954).

MACDONALD, I. 'Some Observations on the Celestina', HR xxii (1954), 264-81.

MCPHEETERS, D. W. 'The Corrector Alonso de Proaza and the Celestina', HR, xxiv (1956), 13-25.

MAEZTU, R. de. Don Quijote, Don Juan y La Celestina (Madrid, 1926).

MAGNE, A. (ed.). Boosco deleitoso, vol. i, texto crítico (Rio de Janeiro, 1950).

MALKIEL, Y. 'The Jewish Heritage of Spain. On the Occasion of Américo Castro's España en su historia', HR, xviii (1950), 328-40.

MARINIS, T. DE. La Biblioteca napoletana dei Re d'Aragona (Milano, vols. ii-iv, 1947, vol. i, 1952).

MARTINS, M. Estudos de Literatura Medieval (Braga, 1956).

MAZZATINTI, G. La Biblioteca dei Re d'Aragona in Napoli (Rocca S. Casciano, 1897).

MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, M. Historia de los heterodoxos españoles (1880-2; Edición Nacional, Santander, 1946-8), vols. ii and iv.

_____ Orígenes de la novela, vol. iii (Madrid, 1910).

METGE, B. Obres completes, ed. M. de Riquer (Barcelona, 1950).

MOLINÉ Y BRASÉS, E. 'La Letra de reyals custums del Petrarca', Anuari de l'Institut d'Estudis Catalans, MCMVII, 345-51.

  —151→  

MOLINÉ Y BRASÉS, E. 'Adició a la «Letra de Reyals Custums del Petrarca»', ibld. MCMVIII, 610-20.

NASSI, G. Letteratura italiana del medioevo (Firenze, 1955)

NEUMAN, A. A. The Jews in Spain (Philadelphia, 2 vols., 1942).

NICOLAU Y D'OLWER, L. 'Apunts sobre l'influencia italiana en la prosa catalana (Bernat Metge - F. Alegre)', EUC, ii (1908), 166-79 and 306-20.

OLMOS Y CANALDA, E. (ed.). Códices de la Catedral de Valencia (2a ed., Valencia, 1943).

OMONT, H. Inventaire de Za Bibliothèque de Ferdinand Ier d'Aragon, Roí de Naples (1481) (Paris, l909 -extrait de la Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes, lxx, 1909).

OROZCO DÍAZ, E. 'La Celestina, hipótesis para una interpretación', Ínsula, no. 124, 1957.

PATCH, H.R. The Goddess Fortuna in Medieval Literature (Cambridge, Mass., 1927).

PAZ Y MELIA, A. (ed.). Opúsculos literarios de los siglos XIV a XVI (Madrid, 1892 - Sociedad de Bibliófilos Españoles 29).

PEDRO, CONSTABLE OF PORTUGAL. Tragédia de la insigne Reina Doña Isabel, ed. C. Michaëlis de Vasconcelos (Coimbra, 1922).

PENNEY, C. L. The Book called Celestina in the Library of the Hispanic Society of America (New York, 1954).

PETRARCH, F. Opera (Basileae, 1496).

_____ Opera (Venetiis, 1501).

_____ Opera (Basileae, 1554).

_____ Prose, ed. G. Martellotti and others (La Letteratura italiana - Storia e testi; Testi, vol. 7; Milano, 1955).

_____ Le Familiari, ed. V. Rossi and U. Bosco (Edizione Nazionale, Firenze, 4 vols., 1933-42).

_____ Rerum memorandarum libri IV, ed. G. Billanovich (Edizione Nazionale, Firenze, 1945).

POST, G. 'Petrarch and Heraclitus once more', Speculum, xii (1937) 343-50.

PRAZ, M. The Flaming Heart (New York, 1958).

RIQUER, M. de. 'Notes sobre Bernat Metge', EUC, xviii (1933), 105-25.

_____ 'Fernando de Rojas y el primer acto de La Celestina', RFE, xli (1957), 373-95.

ROCAMORA, J. M. (ed.). Catálogo abreviado de los manuscritos de la biblioteca del Excmo. Señor Duque de Osuna é Infantado (Madrid, 1882).

Rolas, F. DE. La Celestina, ed. J. Cejador y Frauca (Madrid, Clásicos Castellanos, 2 vols., 1913).

_____ Tragicomedia de Calixto y Melibea, ed. M. Criado de Val y G. D. Trotter (Madrid, Clásicos Hispánicos, 1958).

_____ Celestina, or the Tragi-Comedy of Calisto and Melibea [Mabbe's tr.], ed. H. Warner Allen (London, 1908).

ROSSI, V. Il Quattrocento (Milano, 1938).

ROTH, C. A History of the Marranos (Philadelphia, 1932).

RUBIÓ Y LLUCH, A. 'Joan I humanista i el primer període de l'humanisme català', EUC, x (1917-18), 1-117.

  —152→  

RUIZ I CALONJA, J. Història de la literatura catalana (Barcelona, 1954).

RUSSELL, P. E. 'The Art of Fernando de Rojas', BHS, xxxiv (1957), 160-7.

SALAMANCA. Catálogo de los libros manuscritos que se conservan en la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Salamanca (Salamanca, 1855).

SAMONA, C. Aspetti del retoricismo nella 'Celestina' (Facoltà di Magistero dell' Università di Roma, Studi di letteratura spagnola, Quaderno ii, 1953 [i.e. 1954]).

SANVISENTI, B. I primi influssi di Dante, del Petrarca e del Boccaccio sulla letteratura spagnuola (Milano, 1902).

SAPEGNO, N. Il Trecento (Milano, 1934).

SCHIFF, M. La Bibliothèque du Marquis de Santillane (Paris, École Pratique des Hautes Études, fasc. 153, 1905).

SERRANO Y SANZ, M. 'Noticias biográficas de Fernando de Rojas, autor de La Celestina, y del impresor Juan de Lucena', Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 3a época, vi (1902), 245-99.

SEZNEC, J. La Survivance des Dieux antiques (London, Studies of the Warburg Institute, xi, 1940).

SIMONE, F. 'Note sulla Fortuna del Petrarca in Francia nella prima metà del Cinquecento', GSLI, cxxvii (1950), 1-59.

SPITZER, L. 'A New Book on the Art of La Celestina', HR, xxv (1957), 1-25.

TATHAM, E. H. R. Francesco Petrarca (London, 2 vols., 1925-6).

THOMAS, H. (ed.). Short-Title Catalogue of Books printed in Spain... before 1601 now in the British Museum (London, 1921).

TOFFANIN, G. Storia dell' Umanesimo (Napoli, 1933).

ULLMAN, B. L. Studies in the Italian Renaissance (Roma, 1955).

UNGERER, G. Anglo-Spanish Relations in Tudor Literature (Bern, Schweizer Anglistische Arbeiten 38, 1956).

VALLE LERSUNDI, F. DEL. 'Documentos referentes a Fernando de Rojas', RFE, xii (1925), 385-96.

_____ 'Testamento de Fernando de Rojas, autor de La Celestina', RFE, xvi (1929), 366-88.

VINDEL, F. El arte tipográfico en España durante el siglo XV (Madrid, 9 vols., 1945-51).

WEISS, R. 'Codici umanistici in Inghilterra', GSLI, cxxxi (1954), 386-95.

_____ The Dawn of Humanism in Italy (London, 1947).

_____ Humanism in England during the Fifteenth Century (2nd ed., Oxford, 1957).

WHITFIELD, J. H. Petrarch and the Renascence (Oxford, 1943).

WILKINS, E. H. The Making of the Canzoniere and other Petrarchan Studies (Roma, 1951).

_____ Studies in the Life and Works of Petrarch (Cambridge, Mass., 1955).

WRIGHT, H. G. Boccaccio in England from Chaucer to Tennyson (London, 1957)

ZANTA, L. La Renaissance du Stolcïsme au XVIme siècle (Paris, 1914).



  —153→  

ArribaSupplementary Bibliography

1. AYLLÓN, Cándido 'Petrarch and Fernando de Rojas', Romanic Review, liv (1963), 81-94.

2. _____ La visión pesimista de La Celestina (Colección Studium, 45, México, 1965).

3. BAER, Yitzhak A History of the Jews in Christian Spain (2 vols, Philadelphia, 1961-6).

4. BARON, Hans 'The Evolution of Petrarch's Thought: reflections on the state of Petrarch studies', Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance, xxiv (1962), 7-41.

5. BARRIENTOS, Lope de Vida y obras de Fr. Lope de Barrientos, ed. Luis G. A. Getino (Anales Salmantinos, i, Salamanca, 1927).

6. BATAILLON, Marcel La Célestine selon Fernando de Rojas (Paris, 1961).

7. BERNDT, Erna Ruth Amor, muerte y fortuna en La Celestina (Madrid, 1963).

8. BRAULT, Gerard J. 'English Translations of the Celestina in the Sixteenth Century', HR, xxviii (1960), 301-12.

9. CARO BAROJA, Julio Los judíos en la España moderna y contemporánea, i (Madrid, 1962).

10. CASA, Frank P. 'Pleberio's Lament for Melibea', Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, lxxxiv (1968), 20-29.

11. CASTRO, Américo La Celestina como contienda literaria (castas y casticismos) (Madrid, 1965).

12. COOGAN, Robert 'Petrarch's Latin Prose and the English Renaissance', Studies in Philology, 1xviii (1971), 270-91.

13. CÓRDOBA, Martín de Compendio de la fortuna, ed. Fernando Rubio Álvarez (El Escorial, 1958; 2nd ed. in Prosistas castellanos del siglo XV, ii, BAE clxxi, 1964).

14. DIALOGUE. A Dialogue between Reason and Adversity. A Late Middle English version of Petrarch's De Remediis, ed. F. N. M. Diekstra (Assen, 1968).

15. DOMÍNGUEZ BORDONA, Jesús 'Algunas precisiones sobre fray Fernando de Talavera', Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, cxlv (1959), 209-29.

16. DOMÍNGUEZ ORTIZ, Antonio 'Historical Research on Spanish Conversos in the Last 15 Years', Collected Studies in Honour of Américo Castro's 80th Year, ed. M. P. Hornik (Oxford, 1965), 63-82.

17. DUNN, Peter N. 'Themes and Images in the Coplas por la muerte de su padre of Jorge Manrique', Medium Aevum, xxxiii (1964), 169-83.

18. GARCÍA DE SANTA MARÍA, Gonzalo Discurso en favor de las historias, e d. Manuel Serrano y Sanz, Revista de Archivos,   —154→   Bibliotecas y Museos, 3a época, ix (1903), 460-4.

19. _____ Testamento, ed. Manuel Serrano y Sanz, Boletín de la Real Academia Española, i (1914), 470-8.

20. GEROSA, P. P. Umanesimo cristiano del Petrarca. Influenza agostiniana, attinenze medievali (Torino, 1966).

21. GILMAN, Stephen The Spain of Fernando de Rojas: the intellectual and social landscape of La Celestina (Princeton, 1972).

22. GUAL CAMARENA, Miguel 'Notas y documentos sobre el Príncipe de Viana', Hispania (Madrid), xxi (1961), 189-231.

23. HEITMANN, Klaus Fortuna and Virtus: eine Studie zu Petrarcas Lebensweisheit (Köln-Graz, 1958).

24. HERRIOTT, J. Homer 'The Authorship of Act I of La Celestina', HR, xxxi (1963), 153-9.

25. _____ `Fernando de Rojas as Author of Act I of La Celestina', Studia hispanica in honorem R. Lapesa, i (Madrid, 1972), 295-311.

26. _____ Towards a Critical Edition of the Celestina: a filiation of early editions (Madison-Milwaukee, 1964).

27. LIDA DE MALKIEL, María Rosa La originalidad artística de La Celestina (Buenos Aires, 1962; 2a ed., 1969).

28. _____ Two Spanish Masterpieces: the Book of Good Love and the Celestina (Illinois Studies in Language and Literature, 49, Urbana, 1961; Spanish tr., Buenos Aires, 1966).

29. LÓPEZ MARTÍNEZ, Nicolás 'La biblioteca de D. Luis de Acuña en 1496', Hispania (Madrid), xx (1960), 81-110.

30. LUTTRELL, Anthony 'Greek Histories Translated and Compiled for Juan Fernández de Heredia, Master of Rhodes, 1377-1396', Speculum, xxxv (1960), 401-7.

31. MADURELL MARIMÓN, José M., and Jorge RUBIÓ Y BALAGUER (ed.) Documentos para la historia de la imprenta y librería en Barcelona (1474-1553) (Barcelona, 1955).

32. MANDEL, Adrienne S. La Celestina Studies: a thematic survey and bibliography 1824-1970 (Metuchen, N. J., 1971).

33. MANN, Nicholas 'La Fortune de Pétrarque en France: recherches sur le De Remediis', Studi Francesi, xxxvii (1969), 1-15.

34. _____ 'The Manuscripts of Petrarch's De Remediis: a checklist', Italia Medioavale e Umanistica, xiv (1971), 57-90.

35. _____ 'Petrarch and the Transmission of Classical Elements', Classical Influences on European Culture A.D. 500-1500, ed. R. R. Bolgar (Cambridge, 1971), 217-24.

36. _____ 'Petrarch's Role as Moralist in Fifteenth-Century France', Humanism in France at the End of the Middle Ages and in the Early Renaissance, ed. A. H. T. Levi (Manchester-New York, 1970), 6-28.

37. MARAVALL, José A. El mundo social de La Celestina (Madrid, 1964).

38. MARGARIT, Joan Paralipomenon Hispaniae libri decem, ed. Andreas Schott, Hispaniae illustratae, i (Francofurti, 1603).

  —155→  

39. MARINIS, Tammaro de La biblioteca napoletana dei Re d'Aragona. Supplemento (2 vols, Verona, 1968).

40. MÁRQUEZ VILLANUEVA, Francisco 'The Converso Problem: an assessment', Collected Studies in Honour of Américo Castro's 80th Year, ed. M. P. Hornik (Oxford, 1965), 317-33.

41. MARTÍNEZ LACALLE, Guadalupe (ed.) Celestine, or the Tragick-Comedie of Calisto and Melibea, translated by James Mabbe (London, 1972).

42. MORERA SABATER, José 'Una curiosa correspondencia del año 1386 relativa al Cisma de Occidente', Gesammelte Aufsätze für Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, xxii (1965), 202-16.

43. NETANYAHU, B. The Marranos of Spain, from the late XIVth to the early XVIth century, according to contemporary Hebrew sources (New York, 1966).

44. NORTON, F. J. Printing in Spain 1500-1520 (Cambridge, 1966).

45. OLSON, Paul R. 'An Ovidian Conceit in Petrarch and Rojas', Modern Language Notes, lxxxi (1966), 217-21.

46. ORTO. Orto do Esposo, ed. Bertil Maler, iii (Romanica Stock-holmiensia, 1, Stockholm, 1964).

47. PAZ Y MELIA, Antonio 'Biblioteca del Conde de Haro fundada en 1455' (Conclusión), Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 3a época, xx (1909), 277-89.

48. PELZER, Augustus (ed.) Codices Vaticani latini, II. i (Vaticana, 1931).

49. PÉREZ DE GUZMÁN, Fernán Mar de historias, in Generaciones y semblanzas, ed. J. Domínguez Bordona (Madrid, Clásicos Castellanos, 1924; 2a ed., repr. 1965).

50. PETRARCA, Francesco Il Bucolicum Carmen, ed. and tr. Tonino T. Mattucci (Pisa, 1970).

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