111
The revealing phrase, «una parte del clero», correctly suggests Galdós' balanced posture on the question of the clergy (v n. 7).
112
«But from 1856 it [the Church] was gaining in social influence and it was the political exploitation of this advance by the neocatholic party of the sixties backed by the court which destroyed the monarchy. (Carr, Spain, 285)» On p. 286 Carr comments on the tremendous influence enjoyed by Father Claret, confessor to the Queen, in the shaping of court policy. In addition, v also Hennessy, pp. 13-14; Stephen Scatori, La idea religiosa en la obra de Benito Pérez Galdós (Toulouse, 1927), pp. 9-10; V. G. Kiernan, The Revolution of 1854 in Spanish History (Oxford, 1966), pp. 246-248. The latter two discuss Isabel's domination by Nocedal and the camarilla, while Hennessy points out the results of that circumstance.
113
For the break from the Moderate Party, the subsequent desertion of Isabel II, and the merger with the Carlists, all viewed from a favorable point of view, v Cristóbal Botella y Serra, D. Cándido Nocedal (Barcelona: Círculo Integrista de San Jorge, 1913), 47 pages. Botella partially reproduces the exchange of correspondence between Nocedal and the Queen (21-24). These are interesting insofar as Nocedal abdicates his position as her party chief on the grounds that she symbolizes liberal forces. Such evidence would tend to confirm what Raymond Carr, «A New View of Galdós», Anales galdosianos, III (1968), 185, has already said in correcting Regalado's erroneous vision of the Queen. Oyarzún is not as sympathetic towards Nocedal as is Botella. On pp. 292-293, 297, 314, 317-318 and 326, he discusses neoCatholic support for Carlos VII, subtly questioning its motivation and constancy. Oyarzún notes also (315, 317-318, 346-348) the split between «old» Carlists and the «new (i.e., neo-Catholic)» on the legal question of armed revolt (v also Carr, Spain, 338, and Ferández Almagro, I, 106, 132). Nocedal was a legalist, yet his greatest opposition was not on these grounds; it came from within his own band of neo-Catholics. This conflict came to a head in early 1872 following his appointment as chief of the Carlist press (Oyarzún, 334-336). In a correspondence which Oyarzún produces (idem), some of the most respected (even by their opponents) neo-Catholic statesmen suggest to Carlos VII that Nocedal is ruining the party and hint that this may be for his own aggrandizement. Further insight into Nocedal's opportunism is to be found in n. 18.
114
It is of course consummately ironic that it was Nocedal who attempted to extinguish all liberal and opposition journalism with his press law of 1857, partially reproduced by Botella, pp. 9-10. On this law v also Kiernan, pp. 246-248, and Carr, Spain, pp. 258 and 285, where he terms the press law «the fiercest of constitutional Spain.» Hennessy, pp. 98-99, discusses abuses of the freedom of the press, and on p. 146, n., the unusual journalistie practices of the Carlist Party; he also notes that of the six Madrid dailies with the highest circulation in 1872, three were Carlist. It must also be acknowledged that abuses of the press werenot confined to the Caffist papers; in fact, the left-wing periodicals were the greatest offenders, although they did not inspire Galdós' repugnance as frequently as the absolutist organs. See also Savaiano, passim.
115
Hennessy, p. 160. Galdós notes the election of thirty-seven diputados (XXV, 610).
116
It is Regalado's opinion that Galdós' appraisal of the Carlist movement (among others) is incoherent (v 123 and n.). Regalado bases his judgement in part on Galdós' article just studied. On this problem, as well as the specific consideration of Galdós' vision of Carlist legitimacy, v my «Historical Perspective...»
117
The final lines of his passage refer to the Paris Commune. The two left-wing factions to which Galdós alludes are the Federal Republicans and the Internationalists (i.e., anarchists). The latter had a close working alliance with the Catalan labor unions which lasted from 1870-1874 (Joan Connelly Ullman, The Tragic Week [Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1968], pp. 18-20). When Galdós employs the word «comunista» he means a supporter of the Commune, and not the communist ideologue as we think of him today. In Spain in 1871-1872, a «comunista» would be a member of the International. It was common, during the years of Amadeo's monarchy, for these leftist groups (especially the Republicans) to unite with the Carlists in a joint effort to defeat the dynastic parties at the polls (v n. 30 below).
118
Federal Republican ideology is treated in Hennessy, Chapter 4 (73-102). For the political concepts, v pp. 73-75; when they began competing for the votes of the workers, the Federals began to shift to a call for social revolution as well (ibid., 156-158; on 156, Hennessy quotes «'whereas the republicans only want to ameliorate the lot of the workers, the International wants to overthrow the existing social structure.'»; this was in 1871, in April; by 1872 a great deal bad changed). On the doctrine of the International, v Diaz del Moral, pp. 88-89. Summarizing on p. 89, he states: «Para lograr todo esto, bastará con destruir las tres únicas fuentes de la iniquidad: el Estado, la Religión y el Capital. Anarquía, ateísmo y colectivismo como fines, y la Revolución como medio...» See also n. 24.
119
As late as 1873, during the cantonalist uprisings, the International refused to exhort its membership to armed revolt because, as Tennes puts it, «Los internacionalistas españoles no confiaban en la inminencia de la revolución social. (109)» The International neither endorsed the revolt of the cantons, nor the tactic of a general strike later in September (Termes, 108-109, 112-114). Citing La Federación, 20 September, 1873, Termes quotes. «Sabemos mejor que nadie que no es llegado el momento de realizar nuestras aspiraciones... sería una imprudencia y una temeridad el intentar cualquier movimiento... la propaganda debe ser nuestro principal trabajo... (113)» Jutglar, Federalismo y revolución, pp. 156-157, and Diaz del Moral, p. 423, n. 18 (quoting Anselino Lorenzo) make similar observations. The Federal Republican political myopia is treated throughout in both Hennessy and Jutglar, Federalismo, and is succinctly summarized by Hennessy on pp. 249-250.
120
In addition to the introduction and nn. 13 and 22, v Bennessy, pp. 156-158.