A Seventeenth Century Version of the «Grisel y Mirabella» Story: Juan Arze Solórzeno's «Tragedias de amor» (1607)
John T. Cull
No hay libro tan malo, que no tenga alguna cosa buena. |
(Don Quijote II.59) |
A pleasant surprise awaits the reader tenacious enough to follow Juan Arze Solórzeno's Tragedias de amor (1607) to its conclusion, a surprise seemingly ignored by the authors of book-length studies dedicated to the spanish libros de pastores1. The narration draws to a close with one of the characters reciting a truncated version of Juan de Flores's Historia de Grisel y Mirabella (1495?). Barbara Matulka, in her study of the influences of this late fifteenth century sentimental romance on subsequent Spanish literature, appears to be unaware of Arze Solórzeno's rendition2. The present study will try to reach a determination as to whether we are dealing with a shameless case of literary piracy or merely an example of what was meant by the precept of mimesis, as understood by the literary theorists of the Renaissance. The issue is complicated by the likelihood that Arze Solórzeno was unaware of the original text, and instead availed himself of a Spanish version of a polyglot edition (1556; Italian, Spanish, French and English), that in turn based itself on a translation into Italian (1521)3.
The Grisel y Mirabella plot is familiar to students and scholars of Spanish literature. Nevertheless, a brief summary will prove invaluable for the analysis that follows. In the kingdom of Scotland, at some undetermined time, the king's daughter Mirabella is ardently pursued by all the knights of the realm. Indeed, many perish in their amorous quest. The monarch ensconces his daughter in a remote location to try to prevent the decimation of the ranks of his knights, but without success. Two knights in particular, the best of friends, secretly woo Mirabella at night, each unaware of the threat posed by the other. Eventually, with the rivalry discovered, the two engage in combat for the right to pursue Mirabella's favors. Grisel kills his friend and competitor, and soon enjoys nocturnal rendezvous with the princess. One night they are surprised in flagrante delicto due to the treachery of a servant. Both are imprisoned until the question of culpability can be resolved. The law of the land states that the individual most responsible for inducing the other into illicit dalliance will be executed, and the lesser transgressor perpetually exiled. Even under torture, each of the lovers accepts full blame. To overcome the impasse, the king agrees to a debate between a representative of each sex to decide which gender has a greater role in enticing the other to love. Braçayda is the elected proponent of the feminine cause, while Torrellas is brought from Spain to champion the side of men4. A lengthy debate ensues between the formidable combatants, replete with personal insults and vicious indictments of the opposite sex. The judges, all men, ultimately declare Torrellas the winner. Mirabella's father, torn between paternal sentiment and his duty to uphold justice, declares that she must suffer execution by flames. On the day that the sentence is to be carried out, Grisel hurls himself in the fire, in order to join his beloved in death. With one of the pair dead, however, and justice therefore served, Mirabella's sentence is revoked. Unable to live without Grisel, she bides her time until alone, then jumps into the lion pit, where she is savagely torn to bits and devoured. Torrellas, meanwhile, has fallen madly in love with Braçayda, in spite of his unflagging misogyny5. The queen and other ladies of the court, in order to exact revenge on the scourge of womanhood, advise Braçayda to play along with Torrellas and feign a reciprocation of his passion. In this way, Braçayda lures Torrellas into a trap. He is bound and stripped by the ladies, and then cruelly tortured all night long until all the flesh has been flayed from his bones. The corpse is burned, and each of the ladies gathers some ashes as a blazon of their triumph. Nevertheless, Flores reasserts the status quo by undermining, through authorial manipulation, the vengeance wrought by the woman. In the closing sentences he reaffirms a paternalistic social order by declaring Mirabella's death sentence as «just» (370).
The version of the
Grisel y
Mirabella story «imitated» by Arze
Solórzeno was probably the aforementioned Spanish text of
the 1556 polyglot edition. In fact, a strong initial argument
against viewing the Tragedias de amor as plagiarism is the free and
open admission that the tale Eusebio relates in the novel is one he
has read in four languages: «que es historia muy extraordinaria y antigua,
y la leí en cuatro lenguas, Francesa, Italiana, Castellana,
é Inglesa: y lo mejor que la débil memoria me
ayudare, os referiré lo más sustancial
della»
(f.
172r-v). Further
evidence is offered by the fact that the names given to the
protagonists in the Tragedias de amor are those employed in all the
European translations. That is to say, Grisel, Mirabella, Torrellas
and Braçayda, are rebaptized respectively: Aurelio, Isabela,
Afranio and Hortensia in the Tragedias and other European versions of the
story6.
Other internal evidence that is incidental to the focus of this
study help to establish the 1556 cuadrilingual edition as the
probable source of Arze Solórzeno's treatment of the
story.
Nevertheless, for
the purpose of analyzing the Tragedias de amores literary mimesis, the versions
offered by Juan de Flores and the anonymous translator of 1556 of
the Grisel y
Mirabella story show negligible differences. The principal
difference is one of length. The later translation adds some
extraneous material, mostly in the form of invented dialogue, that
in no way alters the intentions of the original. The prolixity of
the translator led J. A. Praag to exaggerate the differences
between the three texts under consideration: «El texto como va
intercalado en la novela de Arze difiere bastante (parece muy
abreviado) del de la edición cuadrilingüe de Amberes
(1556)»
(349). In truth, the substance of
the three versions of the story are strikingly similar, if we
disregard the verbose additions of the European translations. The
only appreciable dissimilarity that separates model and
continuations at most points is a modernization of the Castillian.
Though spatial constraints make a detailed correlation of the three
texts impractical, a representative passage will allow the reader
to appreciate the faithfulness with which Arze Solórzeno
follows his model(s). In the example that follows, chosen
arbitrarily, the king, after torture has failed, wonders how he
will get the truth out of the pair of lovers. I have chosen to
reproduce the original orthography only for the text of Grisel y Mirabella:
Historia de Aurelio y de Isabela (1556) | Grisel y Mirabella (1495) | Tragedias de amor (1607) |
Y como el rey vio que | y como el Rey viesse que no auia | Viendo el Rey que |
ningún remedio hallaba para saber claramente | ningun remedio para saber la claridat | ningún remedio había, para saber claramente |
el secreto destos amores, ayuntando el consejo de sus | deste secreto: demando conseio a sus | el principio destos amores, ajuntando el Consejo de sus |
sabios y doctores, les preguntó qué modo se debía | letrados, que era lo que sobre este | sabios, preguntóles qué modo se debía |
tener en semejante caso. A lo cual | caso se deuia hazer. alo qual | tener en semejante caso? |
todos respondieron, que en ninguna manera | respondieron: que en ninguna manera | Respondieron, que no |
conocían diferencia entre estos | podían conoçer la differencia entre estos | conocían diferencia entre estos |
enamorados, mas que firmemente creían que | amadores. mas ante crehian: que ellos | enamorados, mas que creían que |
igualmente se amasen, y que igualmente | iuntamente se amauan. e ygualmente | igualmente se amaban, y que igualmente |
se hubiesen fatigado por traer a efecto | trabaiaron por traher a effecto sus | se habrían fatigado por traer a efecto |
sus deseos grandemente deseados de que igual | desseados desseos. e yguales merecian | sus ardientes deseos, y que así merecían |
pena merecían. Mas porque según las | la pena. Mas como las leyes de su | pena igual. Pero por guardar la orden de la |
antiguas y aprobadas leyes de la Isla se ordenaba que quien | tierra antigamente ordenaron: el que | ley y castigar con menos rigor a quien |
más ocasión o principio fuese al compañero | mas causa o principio fuesse al otro | se verificase tener menos culpa: |
de caer en el amoroso delito, la muerte recibiese: y | de hauer amado mereciesse muerte: y el | |
quien menos en esto pecaba, a destierro perpetuo fuese condenado: concluyeron los doctores, y dijeron al Rey. | que menos destierro. pero que en este | |
que pues en el caso de su hija y de Aurelio no se hallaba desigualdad alguna, | caso de su hija no conocian differencia | |
que un solo remedio parecía a ellos, (cuando a su Majestad plugiese) que se debiese experimentar. El cual fue tal: Tomad (dijeron los consejeros) | saluo vna: que examinasse si los hombres | acosenjaron, que se mandase ajuntar |
el número de hombres y mujeres, que os parecerá, y haced sobre este caso | número de hombres y mujeres | |
con grandísima diligencia disputar | entre los cuales se disputase | |
quien dé mayor ocasión de pecar, o el hombre a la mujer, o la mujer al hombre: | o las mujeres o ellas o ellos qual destos era mas occasion del yerro al otro. | cuál da mayor ocasión de pecar, el hombre a la mujer, o la mujer al hombre: |
y hallándose que las mujeres en esto tengan más culpa, | que si las mujeres fuessen mayor causa | y hallándose ser más culpado el hombre, |
muera Isabela: | de amar los hombres: que moriesse Mirabella. | muriese Aurelio: |
y si se conociere que los hombres sean ocasión principal, | y si los hombres a ellas: | y si conociese ser la mujer ocasión principal, |
que Aurelio reciba la debida pena. | que padeciesse Grisel. | muriese Isabela. |
Así concluyeron determinadamente | Y aquellos letrados o oydores | Y concluyeron los consejeros y sabios, |
aquellos Doctores y oidores del consejo Real, | del conseio real determinadamente concluyeron | |
diciendo que para saber la verdad, no había mejor remedio que aquel. (N. P.) | diziendo: que no auia otra mayor razon para saber la verdad. (p. 342) | que para saber la verdad, aquél era el mejor medio, (ff. 175v-176r) |
Before comparing
and contrasting the texts in more depth, it will be helpful to
consider the general context in which the tale appears in the
Tragedias de
amor. This rather obscure pastoral romance, with its
pretense to vast erudition, is in the tradition of Lope de Vega's
Arcadia, from which it borrows liberally7.
Arze Solórzeno's preliminary address to the reader
acknowledges a certain amount of imitation in the composition of
his eclogues: «después de haber en estas
églogas con artificiosas historias antiguas fábulas,
filosóficos discursos, latinas y griegas imitaciones dado
alguna parte de dulce...»
(«Al Lector», N. pag.) This admission of appropriation of
outside sources should blunt any possible accusation of plagiarism.
At the same time, it seems to consecrate the Grisel y Mirabella as an
«ancient fable» a little more than a century after its
initial appearance. This is plausible in view of the fact that the
origin of the story was unknown in the early seventeenth century.
It was not at all uncommon in the period for authors of short
fiction, and especially of the novella, to borrow the plots of
their narrations from the Italian masters of the genre. It is not
until the prologue to Cervantes's Novelas ejemplares that an author boasts of
originality in his plots. Arze Solórzeno, like all his
contemporaries, believed that the Historia de Aurelio y Isabela was penned by
an Italian author. His borrowing of the story, and refashioning of
certain elements to suit his own particular needs, was a
well-established practice. It is certainly ironic, nevertheless,
that an author who depends so heavily on the inspiration of others
claims as his reason for publishing the work a fear lest others
should pilfer it with improper imitation: «porque otro no los
publicara prevaricados y desconocidos, como ya los he
visto»
(«Al
Lector», N. pag.). This kind of lament, of
course, is not original with Arze Solórzeno, and appears as
a conventional feature of many of the pastoral romances.
The Tragedias de amor is made up of five books (of the fifteen that the author claims to have written), each with a brief allegory to summarize its didactic intention. The pastoral romance, as practiced by Arze Solórzeno, is a great melting pot where many diverse kinds of writing are brought together. In terms of plot development, the Tragedias relies heavily on the technique of the interrupted story. As the action progresses, each narrative thread is related in halting fragments, by different narrators, from their unique perspectives. A series of often violent peripetia interrupt the narration at crucial points in the stories. By the end of the first (and only published) part, very little has reached resolution. The reader is left dissatisfied, with an incomplete narrative, in anticipation of a continuation that never materialized.
The issue of imitation, or plagiarism, is a particularly difficult one to decide for the pastoral romance. One of the most intertextual of literary modes, pastoral depends for its success on a fixed canon of topoi that must be included and refashioned by each author. That is to say, it is a mode that not only encourages, but demands a certain amount of «distillation» or «alembication», as literary mimesis has sometimes been called. Of the Spanish pastoral romances, there is at least one instance where an author clearly steps over the line of reasonable imitation and into the realm of unabashed theft: Jerónimo de Tejeda's continuation of the Diana (Paris, 1627). The late date of its publication with respect to the Tragedias makes it evident that Arze Solórzeno could not possibly have followed Tejeda's lead.
Every one of the
pastoral novelists repeats certain conventions that can be traced
back at least as far as Theocritus and Virgil. It comes as no great
surprise, consequently, to learn that the Grisel y Mirabella story is not the
only example of imitation in the Tragedias de amor. To cite just a few, Arze
Solórzeno appends a «Tabla de los
nombres históricos y poéticos» to
the end of the novel, in homage to Lope's Arcadia. Another
apparent borrowing from the first of Lope's two pastoral romances
is the revelation of the secret properties of twelve stones, from
natural philosophy (f. 22r). Other pastoral
commonplaces include the ubiquitous play on words «locura /el tiempo lo
cura»
(f. 51r); a variation of the
wild man theme (Camilo); the depiction of pastoral ejercicios; the visit to the
subterranean palace, and many other conventions repeated
ad infinitum
because of the highly derivative nature of pastoral literature.
The inclusion in Tragedias de amor of the episode documenting the tragic love of Grisel and Mirabella in no way strikes the reader as arbitrary or out of place. Rather, it is framed quite naturally. The story under consideration follows logically in part because it is the third of a series of anecdotes in the novel that share the common element of an untrustworthy servant who precipitates the transgression of social mores, and in part because the telling of tales to illustrate moral truths is a standard feature of the Spanish pastoral romance. The first of the three cases is the supposedly historical anecdote of Fernán Ruiz de Castro and his wife Estefanía, daughter of Alonso VII8. A maid, dressed in her lady's clothes, engages in illicit sexual relations, and is mistaken for Estefanía. Fernán Ruiz, in a blind rage, kills his innocent wife. Significantly, with respect to what will follow in the tale of Aurelio and Isabela (Grisel and Mirabella), a group of wise men exonerate the perpetrator of the homicide, while the servant is publically burned to death (ff. 103-04). In some ways, this situation parallels the sentence of the judges in favor of Torrellas in Grisel y Mirabella, and perhaps prefigures that planned for Torrella's counterpart Afranio in the never published continuation of Tragedias de amor.
The second
incidence of a corrupt servant takes place in Tragedias, somewhat
surprisingly, within the bower itself. Again, the transgression
involves unsanctioned sexuality, though the shock is somewhat
tempered by having it narrated from a safe temporal distance. The
violence does not occupy the foreground, or principal narrative
plane: it is told rather than shown. Acrisio, the novel's
protagonist, falls into disfavor with his shepherdess Lucidora
because he is able to persuade a corruptible maid into granting him
entrance into Lucidora's rustic chambers at night to engage in a
form of voyeurism: «para
sólo ver a Lucidora acostarse, sin que ella me
viese»
(f. 135v). When Acrisio is
caught spying by Lucidora, he openly admits his somewhat lascivious
intentions: «que
sólo me trajo la fuerza de un curioso deseo de ver la
hermosura y proporción de tu cuerpo al
desnudarte»
(f. 136r). The series of
three is completed with the Grisel and Mirabella story, in which a
maid of Mirabella's, unable to keep a secret, is the direct cause
of the tragedy that follows. All three anecdotes are intended to
teach a moral lesson to the shepherds who hear or experience them.
The appropriation of the plot of this narrative, then, serves a
clear and distinct purpose in the Tragedias.
The narration of
the material imitated out of the Historia de Aurelio y de Isabela (and
ultimately, out of Juan de Flores) evolves convincingly from the
course of events depicted. The framework that houses the story is
typically pastoral. Marcelo, who is an ardent misogynist, is the
stock pastoral character of a pastor desamorado, accused by his fellow shepherds
of being an enemy of love. The disaffected shepherd freely admits
this and gives his reason for despising the love passion. The
diatribe against love, and evil women, incorporates many of the
standard arguments enjoined by the misogynists, and common to many
of the Spanish pastoral novelists. His vituperation includes, as
does the Grisel y
Mirabella itself, isolated verses from Pere Torroella's
infamous Maldezir de
mugeres9.
It falls to Eusebio to come to the defense of woman and love.
Ironically, his apology itself appropriates at least one concept
from the Maldezir: that nature, and not woman, is to blame
for their alleged defects. The verbal sparring between the two
shepherds leads Eusebio to exclaim: «Gran enemigo les eres
(dijo Eusebio) según publicas, no querría que te
sucediese con ellas como a Afranio, que con ser tan sabio, se
vengaron dél, por el más extraordinario camino que se
ha oído»
(f. 172r). After thus
whetting their curiosity, the shepherds present ask Eusebio to tell
his story, both for their entertainment and to persuade Marcelo of
the error of his ways. The transition between the events
transpiring in the pastoral pleasance and the actions depicted in
an ancient sentimental romance could not be more gentle.
Eusebio proceeds to narrate the story first penned by Juan de Flores. With some minor differences and omissions, which will be summarized presently, Tragedias de amor follows the plot exactly from the beginning to the crucial juncture where the judges retire to deliberate their decision. There is one respite in the telling of the story, a kind of narrative aside to lend variety and break the monotony. This occurs when the shepherd Daciano complains to courtly Eusebio for not relating extensively the arguments that took place between Afranio (Torrellas) and Hortensia (Braçayda). Daciano's gentle chiding allows him the opportunity to introduce a pastoral convention, the praise of pastoral life, while at the same time he is able to disabuse Eusebio of the notion that pastoral simplicity is the same thing as ignorance. The latter's profuse recantation affords him the chance to condemn urban dwellers. The hiatus is a narrative strategy that helps to fuse and interweave the two narrative planes of showing and telling.
Our pseudo-rustic
narrator again picks up the thread of the plot and gives a detailed
rendering of the Grisel y Mirabella / Historia de Aurelio y de
Isabela until he arrives at a pregnant pause: «Hizo aquí pausa
el cortesano Eusebio, dando lugar a que los discretos pastores
meditasen un breve rato el discurso, y diesen su sentencia, para
después decir la de los Jueces, y proseguir la
historia»
(f. 189v). At that precise
moment, however, an explosion of violence erupts on the foreground
of the greensward, as several shepherds, their daggers unsheathed,
chase after a wounded shepherd. Just as the judges of the
interpolated tale are frozen in time and space with the
adjudication about to issue from their lips, so too are the
intrusive shepherds indefinitely preserved in their homicidal
posture. Feigning exhaustion, the narrator refuses to continue, but
promises the conclusion in a sequel. In a superficial sense, it can
be argued that Tragedias de amor is not plagiarism simply because
it does not avail itself of the entirety of its source, regardless
of whether a continuation was intended10.
There are certain textual indications that suggest an effort on the part of Arze Solórzeno to submit his source materials to an editorial process and thereby improve upon the original. Such an attempt, whether or not we view it as successful, constitutes an authorized literary practice for the period under consideration, and therefore another argument against plagiarism. The major difference between the Tragedias and its two possible models involves significant omissions on the part of Arze Solórzeno, and can be seen as a strategy to pare the plot down to its essentials and thereby expedite the narration. Not only does the author of the Tragedias display his innate aesthetic sensibility by excising most of what the Italian translator added to the original, but he also eliminates some materials found in the Grisel y Mirabella.
The elements that Arze Solórzeno elects not to imitate from his model(s) can be summarized as follows: a) elimination of extraneous and superfluous elements that bog the reader or listener down in unnecessary detail. This is perhaps a function of verisimilitude, since a teller of tales could not possibly be expected to remember every detail of what was read; b) elimination of repetitions and some tedious and complex argumentation. Perhaps this material was being held in reserve for planned discussions between the shepherds in a continuation; c) omission of some of the boastful bantering and insulting parries between the two litigants, Afranio (Torrellas) and Hortensia (Braçayda). Their verbal sparring only encumbers the narrative pace; d) «censorship» of some of the more risqué material, perhaps a lingering effect of the changes wrought by the Council of Trent. This silenced material deals primarily with observations on the clergy, nobility and sexuality; e) suppression of anything that might attribute the story to its original author. As an ancient fable, the plot is now in the public domain. That Flores was its originator, even if known, is of little consequence. All of these alterations to the source text seem to be aimed at improving upon it, and appropriating it to suit different needs; in short, to write mimetically.
The story of the unlucky lovers whose passion is bridled in the interest of reasserting social and moral order is not an end in itself in the Tragedies of Love, but rather a means to an end. Because it screeches to a halt at the point of maximum tension, the decision of the judges and all that follows is left in abeyance. This would allow the listening public to debate the issue themselves, in the cool shade next to a fountain, in true pastoral tradition. One anticipates the shepherds to enjoin different theories of love in defense of their respective positions. It is precisely the discussion of love that is the desired end in typical Renaissance pastoral, in conjunction with the practical demonstration of its effects. The use of the Grisel y Mirabella story as a means to an end is further proof that we are not dealing with a case of literary piracy.
The way in which Arze Solórzeno's contemporaries understood the precept of literary imitation is a topic that has been exhaustively studied11, and which will therefore receive only cursory treatment here. Among the ancients, Pliny, in his Epistles, introduced the analogy that soon became a commonplace: the writer must imitate the bees, who cull the best of the flowers to make their honey12. Horace, in the Ars Poetica, tied the doctrine of imitation to poetry, while Quintilian amplified upon it in the Institutio Oratoria. Aristotle's comments on imitation in the Poetics only led to a great deal of confusion when the text was rediscovered in the Renaissance.
The Italians were the first theorists to deal with the precept of mimesis in the Renaissance. Marco Girolamo Vida popularized the notion in the Ars Poetica (1527, though written before 1520). After Vida, the endorsement, and occasional rejection, of the imitation of models appears regularly in the poetics of the sixteenth century. Julius Caesar Scaliger yoked the concept of mimesis to the imitation of nature in the Poetices Libri Septem. The same author's Qui et Criticus provided a complete catalogue of proper models to imitate, organized by themes and materials. Giovanni Battista Marino, well after Arze Solórzeno's borrowings, continued to defend the practice of literary plagiarism in the prologue to his La Sampogna (1620), where he euphemistically termed this appropriation as «coinciding» with another poet.
Among the
Spaniards who commented on literary imitation, the vast majority
embraced its practice. The first major figure to defend it was
Francisco Sánchez de las Brozas, el
Brocense, in the prologue to the second edition of
his Anotaciones y
enmiendas to the works of Garcilaso de la Vega (1581).
El Brocense goes so far as to
declare that no good poet can fail to imitate the excellent
ancients, and that imitation is an inherent part of the creative
process. El Brocense advocated the
doctrine of poetic erudition, since mimesis demanded extraordinary
talent and artistry. In fact, he extols imitation over originality:
«ansí tomar a
Homero sus versos y hacerlos propios, es erudición, que a
pocos se comunica... y más gloria merece por esto, que no si
de su cabeza lo compusiera»
(Vilanova 573).
El Brocense does not condone
uncritical stealing: the poet must attempt to improve upon the
original.
Another figure of
importance in the long polemic on literary distillation is Fernando
de Herrera. In his Anotaciones to the works of Garcilaso (Sevilla,
1580), we find a more prudent and restrictive approach to the
problem of imitation. For Herrera, the mere transcription of
classical and Petrarchan sources must yield to a more critical
culling. Servile imitation results inevitably in the fossilization
of a language. Herrera champions a marriage of imitation and
originality, with an eye to surpassing the model. Other important
contributions to the debate on literary imitation are found in
Alonso López Pinciano's Filosofía antigua poética (1596),
and Francisco Cascales's Tablas poéticas (1617), both of which
depend heavily on the Aristotelian notion of ideal imitation. But
nowhere is the pragmatic Spanish attitude towards literary mimesis
better encapsulated than in the Adjunta al Parnaso that is appended to
Cervantes' Viaje del
Parnaso (1614). In the section entitled «Privilegios, Ordenanzas y Advertencias Que
Apolo Envía a los Poetas
Españoles», we read: «Ítem se advierte
que no ha de ser tenido por ladrón el poeta que hurtare
algún verso ajeno y le encajare entre los suyos, como no sea
todo el concepto y toda la copla entera, que en tal caso tan
ladrón es como Caco»
(190).
The concept of imitation, to summarize, covered a broad spectrum of meanings in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Though the theorists were concerned only with verse, we can apply their definitions equally to what was then the less prestigious genre of prose fiction. Four clear possibilities of meaning for the concept of literary mimesis can be distinguished: 1) Based on an apparent misinterpretation of Aristotle, some viewed imitation as simply the photographic representation of nature; 2) The likely meaning of Aristotle's comments in the Poetics, captured by some, involved the imitation of poetic truth, that is, the depiction of men and things not as they are, but as they ideally could be, in accordance with the dictates of verisimilitude; 3) Imitation as pure plagiarism: the appropriation of certain words, entire verses, phrases and passages, which are incorporated into the new work. Even a good translation with nothing original added could be considered a successful imitation under this definition; 4) Imitation as a refashioning of a part or the whole of a model, governed by certain restrictions and limitations to distinguish it from thievery. This is the highest form of imitation, and clearly the one to be emulated. Authors must carefully choose only the best models to imitate, and use a process of keen artistic selection that requires a high degree of competence and erudition. The borrowing must serve the writer's purpose and not be indiscriminate. There must be some resemblance between the imitator and the author imitated. That is to say, an inept writer should not try to appropriate from the great ancient and modern authors. The artist must choose his model in strict accordance with his own abilities and short-comings. Most importantly, the imitator must succeed in creating a higher form of perfection and beauty by means of the borrowing, by surpassing the original model.
We are now armed with sufficient information to pass judgment on Arze Solórzeno's attempt to imitate the story of Grisel and Mirabella in the Tragedias de amor. It is evident that the question of whether we are dealing with mimesis or plagiarism is moot for many who considered them one and the same thing in the Renaissance. However, the prudent approach to literary imitation differentiates the terms according to very precise aesthetic criteria. While Tragedias de amor has far too many failings to constitute an artistically successful pastoral romance, the borrowings from the Historia de Aurelio y de Isabela / Grisel y Mirabella are clearly an example of honest and authorized imitation as the term was understood in the Golden Age. The only serious reservation that can be raised with respect to Arze Solórzeno's mimetic talents is his ability to improve upon his model. Yet, this is an issue that can never be adequately addressed unless the alleged continuation is in fact discovered. The Tragedias de amor was published several years too late to be included in the scrutiny of Don Quixote's library. One questions whether or not its largely successful adaptation of the Grisel y Mirabella plot would have saved if from the flames. They are pages, certainly, that will be of some interest to critics of the sentimental romance as proof of its popularity and longevity. But more importantly, Tragedias de amor is valuable as a document of the legitimacy and practice of literary imitation.
- Arze Solórzeno, Juan. Tragedias de amor, de gustoso y apacible entretenimiento de historias, fábulas, enredadas marañas, cantares, bailes, ingeniosas moralidades del enamorado Acrisio, y su Zagala Lucidora. Madrid: Juan de la Cuesta, 1607.
- Avalle-Arce, J. B. La novela pastoril española. 1959. Madrid: Istmo, 1974.
- Bach y Rita, Pedro. The Works of Pere Torroella: A Catalan Writer of the Fifteenth Century. New York: Instituto de las Españas, 1930.
- Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. Poesías completas, I: Viaje del Parnaso y Adjunta al Parnaso. Ed. Vicente Gaos. Madrid: Clásicos Castalia, 1973.
- Darst, David H. Imitatio: (Polémicas sobre la imitación en el Siglo de Oro). Madrid: Orígenes, 1985.
- Durán, Armando. Estructura y técnicas de la novela sentimental y caballeresca. Madrid: Gredos, 1973.
- Fernández-Cañadas de Greenwood, Pilar. Pastoral Poetics: The Uses of Conventions in Renaissance Pastoral Romances-Arcadia, La Diana, La Galatea, L'Astrée. Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, 1983.
- Historia de Aurelio y de Isabela. Antwerp: Juan Steelsio, 1556.
- Flores, Juan de. Grisel y Mirabella. The Novels of Juan de Flores and Their European Diffusion. A Study in Comparative Literature. Ed. Barbara Matulka. New York: Institute of French Studies, 1931. 332-71.
- Lopéz Estrada, Francisco. Los libros de pastores en la literatura española: La órbita previa. Madrid: Gredos, 1974.
- Matulka, Barbara. The Novels of Juan de Flores and Their European Diffusion. A Study in Comparative Literature. New York: Institute of French Studies, 1931.
- Mujica, Barbara. Iberian Pastoral Characters. Washington, D. C.: Scripta Humanistica, 1986.
- Olmsted, E. W. «The Story of Grisel and Mirabella». Homenaje ofrecido a Menéndez Pidal. Miscelánea de estudios lingüísticos, literarios e históricos. 2vols. Madrid: Hernando, 1925. 2: 369-73.
- Ornstein, Jacob. «La misoginia y el profeminismo en la literatura castellana». Revista de Filología Hispánica 3 (1941) 219-32.
- ——. «Misogyny and Pro-Feminism in Early Castillian Literature». Modern Language Quarterly 3 (1942) 221-34.
- Palau y Dulcet, Antonio. Manual del librero hispano-americano. Barcelona, 1925. 3: 247.
- Porqueras Mayo, Alberto. La teoría poética en el Renacimiento y Manierismo españoles. Barcelona: Puvill, 1986.
- Rennert, Hugo A. The Spanish Pastoral Romances. 1912. New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1968.
- Riley, Edward C. «Don Quixote and the Imitation of Models.» Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 31 (1954) 3-16.
- ——. Cervantes's Theory of the Novel Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.
- Siles Artés, José. El arte de la novela pastoril. Valencia: Albatros Ediciones, 1972.
- Solé-Leris, Amadeu. The Spanish Pastoral Novel. Twayne's World Author Series 575. Boston: Twayne, 1980.
- Tejeda, Jerónimo. La Diana de Montemayor. Nuevamente compuesta por Hierónymo de Texeda Castellano, Intérprete de Lenguas, residente en la villa de París, do se da fin a las Historias de la Primera y Segunda Parte. Paris, 1627.
- Torroella, Pere. Maldezir de mugeres. Ed. Pedro Bach y Rita. The Works of Pere Torroella: A Catalan Writer of the Fifteenth Century. New York: Instituto de las Españas, 1930.
- Van Praag, J. A. «Algo sobre la fortuna de Juan de Flores». Romanic Review 26 (1935) 349-50.
- Vilanova Andreu, Antonio. «Preceptistas españoles de los siglos XVI y XVII». Historia general de las literaturas hispánicas. Ed. Guillermo Díaz-Plaja. Barcelona: Barna, 1953. 3: 565-692.
- Whinnom, Keith. The Spanish Sentimental Romance 1440-1550: A Critical Bibliography. London: Grant and Cutler, 1983. (Research Bibliographies and Checklists 41).