The words «filantrópicas y aun cristianas» were substituted for the word «caritativas», and the words «morales, sí, morales» for the word «personales» at the galley stage of the novel.

The words «los clavos de Cristo» were substituted for the word «Dios» at the galley stage.

The tone of the description of Las Micaelas is more tolerant than J. L. Brooks's description allows for:

Nothing in the novel, not even the character of Juanito, is described with such harshness as Las Micaelas. Everything about it, its architecture, its decoration, its church music, is cheap and trashy, and to crown it all, its spiritual director León Pintado is a priest of the same calibre and outlook as his friend Nicolás Rubín, that epitome of pride, ignorance, dirt and gluttony.

«The Character of doña Guillermina Pacheco in Galdós' novel, Fortunata y Jacinta», Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, XXXVIII, 1962, pp. 90-1. Where is the harshness in the description? Pintado and Rubín are friends, but not «of the same calibre», if we are to judge by the information given us in Fortunata. Las Micaelas and its chaplain are treated in an ironic and sceptical fashion, certainly, but not in the fulminating manner described by Professor Brooks. (See my remarks on Pintado on p-74.)

The earlier versions of this sentence are a good example of how Galdós could use the galley proof stage to sharpen the ironic presentation. The first version on the galley reads: «la religión lo que hace es refrescarle a una todo lo que ha gozado y padecido en este indino mundo» and the second version: «la religión lo que hace es refrescarle a una la entendedera y ablandarle el corazón».

The versions progress from the somewhat flat and generalised original to the use of «ablandar» which, while suggesting that Fortunata will relent and take back Juanito, lacks the romantic connotations of «corazón más tierno».

The following reminiscence of Pardo Bazán suggests that this «grotesque mixture of material and spiritual values» of which Gilman speaks might not have been confined to «Galdosian Madrid». Pardo Bazán leads into her anecdote with a reference to Fortunata and to Galdós' admirable portrayal of the women of the pueblo, and continues:

Para mostrar cómo entiende esta mujer la idea religiosa, séame permitido referir una anécdota que llegó a mi por fidedigno conducto. Contaba una chula que, bajando cierto día por una calle de Madrid, acertó a ver un señorito elegante, el cual la fascinó por su gallardía, su negro bigote, sus hermosos ojos, y otras cualidades y gracias que en él notó o creyó notar. Tan viva fue la impresión que, añadía, «me puse a mirarle de fijo para que me siguiese... y pensaba yo entre mí: ¡Ay, si este hombre no me sigue, me muero! Con tanto deseo me puse a rezarle a la Virgen del Carmen salves y más salves, la ofrecí una misa..., y tanto ofrecí y recé, que al fin el señorito me siguió...» («La mujer española», in La España moderna, XX, 1890, p. 147.)

Given, however, the love affair between Pardo Bazán and Galdós about this time (see Carmen Bravo-Villasante, Vida y obra de Emilia Pardo Bazán, Madrid, 1974, pp. 142-157, and Walter T. Pattison, «Two Women in the Life of Galdós», Anales Galdosianos, VIII, 1973), it is not unlikely that Pardo Bazán's source was Galdós himself. And this raises the question: how much of Galdós' depiction of religious attitudes in Fortunata is a naturalistic «slice of life» and how much is due to his ironic and sceptical imagination?

Torquemada y San Pedro, Obras completas, vol. V, Madrid, 1950, p. 1196.

See James Whiston, «Language and Situation in Part I of Fortunata y Jacinta», Anales Galdosianos, VII, 1972, pp. 79-91, in particular p. 84.

For short discussions of this twofold division, see: «More on Miau», Anales galdosianos, 6 (1971), 51-52; A. F. Lambert, «Galdós and the Anti-bureaucratic Tradition», Bulletin of Hispanic Studies, 53 (1976), 49, núm. 15.

The «Miau» Manuscript of Benito Pérez Galdós. A Critical Study (Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univ. of California, 1964), 74-75.

100

Since Víctor's money allows the Villaamils in February, 1878 to pay rent for «dos meses de los tres vencidos», I conclude that November, 1877 is the beginning of the unemployment (588). All page references to Miau in these notes and in the body of the essay are to Benito Pérez Galdós, Obras completas (Madrid: Aguilar, 1967),V.