A radical revision of the meaning of «civic humanism» can now be found in a collection of studies assembled and edited by Hankins, Renaissance Civic Humanism, in which various scholars from both sides of the Atlantic present their latest research on this issue.
See Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment. As he explains in an essay, «Civic Humanism and Its Role in Anglo-American Thought», Pocock's interest in Quattrocento Italian humanism, and in Machiavelli's writings in particular, grew out of his inquiry into the origins of the Atlantic republican tradition through the language used by thinkers of early modern societies as they expressed in a concrete manner their political views and ideas. In the third volume of his Barbarism and Religion, he credits humanists such as Bruni (Historiarum Florentini populi Libri XII), Flavio Biondi (Historiarum ab inclination romanorum imperii decades) and Machiavelli (Discorsi sopra la prima deca di Tito Livio) for having rejected the medieval idea of continuity that made sense within a Christian framework (the so-called translatio imperii), and insisting instead on the declinatio imperii, which introduced the problem of republican liberty and empire as a major factor for the dissolution of the Roman empire and the ensuing age of barbarism (153-238). Even more central to modern political thought is Renaissance humanism in Quentin Skinner's Foundation of Modern Political Thought. His two-volume study is dedicated to humanists' recovery of the classical ideals of republicanism and their impact on the sociopolitical thought of northern Europe, especially on the seventeenth-century English revolution. Following Kristeller, Skinner stresses the continuity between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance and places particular significance in the recovery of the art of rhetoric. See also the second volume of his Visions of Politics, for a comprehensive analysis of the revival of rhetoric, republican values and the concept of liberty leading to the idea of state sovereignty. For an in-depth analysis of how the classical idea of polis, reinterpreted as res publica and commonwealth, went from its revival in Quattrocento Florence and Venice to the Europe of the Enlightenment, giving rise not only to modern political speculations but also to the discovery of ancient economic systems, see Giuseppe Cambiano, Polis. The uninterrupted and rich tradition of moral and political writings that characterizes the intellectual history of Spain from the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries has yet to receive the attention it deserves. To my knowledge, Maravall's investigations, aimed at illustrating the formation of mentalités at different stages of Spanish history (Estado moderno y mentalidad social) but also on examining the political thought of different thinkers (Estudios de historia del pensamiento español), and a brief foray into moral-political issues relating to the New World (Utopía y reformismo en la España de los Austrias), have not generated further studies in this field. More promising is Anthony Pagden's ongoing research into the social and political thought in Spain and Colonial America. His early study on the birth of modern ethnology analyzes the juridical and theological arguments made by Spanish thinkers to justify their emperors' sovereignty over the American Indians (The Fall of Natural Man); he has since moved closer to the position of the «Cambridge School» of political thought. See among his many works his edition of a collection of essays by contemporary scholars, The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe, and Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination.
Kristeller's insistence on the need for distinguishing professional humanists from philosophers began soon after his arrival in the United States and was further elaborated through years of investigation. For an overview of his definition of humanism and its relationship to scholasticism, see «The Scholastic Background of Marsilio Ficino»; «Humanism and Scholasticism in the Italian Renaissance»; «Thomism and the Italian Thought of the Renaissance»; and Le Thomisme et la pensée italienne de la Renaissance. A synthetic presentation of his long-held views concerning the actual contributions made by humanism to Renaissance thought was made in a later essay that he wrote in honor of Garin, «Il Rinascimento nella storia del pensiero filosofico».
For some of the many appraisals of Kristeller's studies on Renaissance humanism, see Monfasani, ed., Kristeller Reconsidered. Of special importance to Kristeller's interpretation of humanism is Hankins's analysis, «Two Twentieth-Century Interpreters of Renaissance Humanism»; the article is reproduced in a compilation of many of Hankins's essays, Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaisance. Other studies include Celenza, The Lost Italian Renaissance, ch. 2, and Monfasani, «Toward the Genesis of the Kristeller Thesis of Renaissance Humanism».
Kristeller's concern for recovering all humanist writings is not simply confined to the manuscript collections in European libraries, listed in the Iter Italicum. He also compiled Latin Manuscript Books before 1600 and, with Edward F. Cranz and Virginia Brown, Catalogus translationum et commentariorum.
In a provocative study, «L'umanista: Ritorno di un paradigma?» Fubini gives a systematic exposition of his historiographical revision of humanism. For a polemical response to this study, see Lucia Gualdo Rosa, «Chi ha paura della filologia classica?» and Fubini's subsequent rejoinder, «L'umanista: Replica a una replica». For the development of what Fubini designates as the first stage of humanism, see the studies now collected in Umanesimo e secolarizzazione. For an examination of historiographical issues, see L'umanesimo italiano e i suoi storici.